Volume 2: Ethnopublic State
Citizenry Shared Control Of State Government Administration By Govox-Populi
In this second volume of African Corporatism Manifesto, Omolaja advanced his theories and ideas about corporatism and nationalism. He provided a transforming-structure of how human society could achieve a first stage of a classless society he called hybrid-society.
He advocates for the outright abolition of the organisation of bureaucracy to be replaced by commicracy; he defines his developing theory of ethno-socialism as a highest stage of socialism that would inherently lead human society to a classless-society. He defined ethnopublicanism as a socialist-state for both ethnopublican nationalism and ethno-corporatist economy– as a system of shared-governance between the government and the governed, non-monetary economy, no economic-classes, existence of a state and equalism-delivery system between social groups.
He laid down two pathways to enter ethnopublican nationalism state structure, in what he called: the republican pathway and the monarchy or constitutional-monarchy pathway. Omolaja claims we are now in what he called the: Age-of-Revelation; he defined as the beginning of the re-evaluation of social and economic values that emphasises equalism-delivery relations to everyone in human society, making what would otherwise have been monetised in capitalist society open for anyone and from anywhere free to use, re-use, redistribute them, modify any creative works of others in the form of free content without compensation or requiring the consent of the original creators.
This era will eventually see to the abolition of copyright laws, economic-class and will make intellectual properties of individuals freely available to the collective of human society. The culture of collective-individualism is in full swing in our generation, he claimed.
Published: April 1, 2021
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ENDNOTES
Reclaiming Our African Legacy – The Tragedy of Colonial Education and the Call for True African Unity
The tragedy of Africa’s modern leadership is not merely in its corruption or inefficiency — it is deeper. It lies in the fact that many of our intellectuals and leaders, products of colonial education, no longer see Africa through African eyes. They no longer speak with the voice of the ancestors, but echo the philosophies, structures, and ideologies of the very systems that disrupted our greatness.
We speak of “United States of Africa” with admiration, mimicking the model of America. But Africa was never a copy. It was the original. Before colonisers carved arbitrary borders through the Berlin Conference, before the missionaries came with their gospel of inferiority and Western superiority, Africa stood tall as a sophisticated tapestry of over 10,000 kingdoms — each sovereign, yet interlinked through commerce, spiritual systems, diplomacy, and kinship.
We governed not with the cold efficiency of States, but with the living heartbeat of kingdoms — where governance was rooted in ancestry, ethics, and communal responsibility. Our empires — Mali, Songhai, Great Zimbabwe, Kongo, Nubia, Oyo, Kush — were not isolated, but cooperated in a network of shared values and mutual respect.
Colonial education derailed this organic political consciousness. It taught us that to be modern, we must abandon our roots. That to be intelligent, we must despise our ancestors. And now, decades after independence, our elites still dress our liberation dreams in Western fabric — quoting Locke and Rousseau before Imhotep or Nana Asma’u. They imagine unity through the blueprint of the United States of America, forgetting we already had our own — a continent governed not by imposed borders, but by a web of ancestral cooperation.
So let us be clear: “United African States” is not a play on words. It is a return to authenticity. A conscious rejection of mimicry. It centers African ways of knowing and governing, honouring the fact that our unity must grow from our history, not from foreign templates.
To chant “United States of Africa” is to continue the performance of colonial amnesia. But to call for a United African States is to root our vision in our indigenous political genius — to remember that Africa was never a scattered mess waiting for European rescue. It was a grand civilisation betrayed by foreign conquest, and now betrayed again by local minds colonised by alien thought.
The time has come. Our young must learn real African history — not just the trauma of slavery or the textbook glory of independence, but the deep structures of governance, economy, and unity that our ancestors built and sustained for millennia.
We must stop embarrassing ourselves with borrowed slogans. Africa needs not to become the next America. Africa needs to become Africa — fully, unapologetically, and powerfully.