MANIFESTO: AFRICAN CORPORATIST SOCIETY

By: Omolaja Makinee

A FIVE-VOLUME LITERARY BOOK

VOLUME 5: ETHNOSOCIALISM: Govoxical Reality, Altruist Relations, and Social Justice

AFRICAN ETHNOSOCIALISM

Copyright © 2024 by Omolaja Makinee

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without written permission from the author.

ISBN: 979-8-88896-693-8 Paperback

Printed in Africa by Makinee

14-February-2024

Table of Contents

PREFACE

INTRODUCTION

1. THE COMING-OF-AGE: PAN-AFRICAN SOCIALISM

2. TRANSITION PROGRAM: AFRICAN ETHNOPUBLIC STATE

Transition from Democracy to Populocracy

Transition from Republic to Ethnopublic Nationalism

3. NATIONAL ECONOMY OF ETHNO-CORPORATISM

Transition from Monetary to Non-Monetary Economic System

Resource Utilisation As Constitutional Alternative Currencies

4. ETHNOSOCIALISM: REVIVAL OF ANCIENT AFRICAN SOCIALISM

Justice System and Populocratic Values

Govoxical Reality, Altruist Relations and Social Justice

5. EGALITARIAN SOCIETY OF ETHNOSOCIALISM

Pan-African Socialism: The Coming-of-Age of United African States

Constitutions, Citizenship and National Integration for United Africa States

DEFINITIONS

Preface

NATIONAL ANTHEM OF UNITED AFRICA

Let us all unite and celebrate together

The victories won for our liberation

Let us dedicate ourselves to rise together

To defend our liberty and unity

O Sons and Daughters of Africa

Flesh of the Sun and Flesh of the Sky

Let us make Africa the Tree of Life

Let us all unite and sing together

To uphold the bonds that frame our destiny

Let us dedicate ourselves to fight together

For lasting peace and justice on earth

O Sons and Daughters of Africa

Flesh of the Sun and Flesh of the Sky

Let us make Africa the Tree of Life

Let us all unite and toil together

To give the best we have to Africa

The cradle of humankind and fount of culture

Our pride and hope at break of dawn.

O Sons and Daughters of Africa

Flesh of the Sun and Flesh of the Sky

Let us make Africa the Tree of Life

My fellow African people,

Today, we stand at the precipice of a global new era. The challenges we face as African people everywhere have never been greater, but neither has the opportunity to create a brighter future for our coming younger generation of Africans. It is time for a revolution, a revolution of unity and cooperation, a revolution that will transform our African continent into a single national body.

For too long, we have been divided by colonial-prescribed borders, by class-system ideologies, and by selfish interests for power, status and wealth. We have let the differences of our older generation blind us to our common humanity, and we have neglected the pressing issues that threaten our very existence as indigenous African people. Disunity, poverty, inequality, and injustice know no borders, and they require a united response.

We cannot continue to rely on the same old approaches and institutions that have failed us time and time again. We need a new paradigm, a new way of thinking that transcends national interests and puts the well-being of all people at the centre.

The African Union (AU) was founded on the Pan-African principles of unity and cooperation, but it has often been hamstrung by politics, bureaucracy and foreign influences. We need to reinvigorate the African continent, to empower it to act decisively on the most pressing issues of our time in Africa so we no longer have to rely on others to help us solve our pressing problems to their advantage and benefit.

We need to invest in free education, free healthcare, and infrastructure to lift the African people everywhere out of poverty and promote development across all African nations including in the diaspora. We need to create a fairer and more sustainable economic system that benefits everyone, not just a few. We need to combat climate change against the current world system full of greeds for money and selfish interests and goals, and to protect our planet for future generations.

But none of this is possible without a fundamental shift in our collective mindset. Every young generation of Africa needs to start seeing the problem of Africa as their problem to solve, not just a problem that should be left to our older generation in governments. We need to embrace diversity and should no longer be divided by religion and ethnicity, we need to respect human rights, and reject prejudice and discrimination in all its forms.

This revolution will not be easy, but it is necessary. It requires each and every one of us to take responsibility for the social and economic rise of Africa we live in and to act with compassion and courage. We cannot afford to wait for others to take the lead. The time for action is now.

So let us unite, let us come together as one united African nation, and let us create a revolution that will change our Africa forever. Together, we can build a brighter future for all African people, a future of peace, justice, and prosperity. The world is waiting for us to take the lead, and I know that we are up to the challenge. Let us unite, not as citizens of different African countries, but as citizens of United African States (UAS).

So I call on all of you African young generation to join in this revolution, because this is your revolution. Let us put aside our differences, and work together to create a brighter future for ourselves, for our children, and for future African generations to come. Let us be united in our pursuit of a better African world, and let us never give up until we have achieved the hopes and aspirations of our ancestors to make United African States a reality.

Thank you.

Introduction

In the preceded Volume-1 of this manifesto, I defined the term “Ethno” to indicate people with a shared culture and practices. The term ‘ethnoism’ I defined in terms of collectivism and of the practice or social cohesiveness of a group of people in conformity with individual self-interest goals.

In the preceded Volume-2 of this manifesto, I defined the word ‘Ethno’ (a nation, people or culture) as the emphasis on an approach to various human cultures relative to the collective-individualism affirmation of a group of people.

The term “Socialism”, on the other hand, has its root in the Latin sociare, meaning “to combine” or “to share”. Socialism is the theory and practice of social and economic organisation of a society where the means and mode of economic production, distribution and exchange, and control of property and natural resources, are publicly owned and collectively regulated by members of the society.

As a result, the term ‘Ethno’ and the term ‘Socialism’, both combined make the English word ‘Ethnosocialism’, which I defined as a socio-economic nationalism where the modes of economic production, control of property and natural resources are publicly owned, and the means of economic production, distribution and exchange are collectively regulated by members of the nation. In other words, ethnosocialism is a socio-economic practice of a nation, regulated by the government for the people, and publicly owned by the people.

In its simplest definition, ethnosocialism is a socio-economic nationalism where different ethnic backgrounds or nations with different social identities united as a nation, and have shared practices of socio-economic interests including shared governance of the day-to-day affairs of their government. It is a system of economic management that seeks to place the means of economic production, distribution and exchange under the collective control of members of the nation. This means that the economy is managed by the people for the benefit of the people, with decisions made through institutionalised populocratic processes.

Ethnosocialism aims to create an economy that is more equitable, just, and sustainable than the capitalist system. This means that the community as a whole has a say in how these resources are managed, and they are not subject to the whims of a wealthy elite.

By eliminating the drive for monetary profit that is inherent in a capitalist economy, ethnosocialism allows for a more sustainable approach to resource management that takes into account the long-term needs of the community and the environment. By placing the means of production under public ownership and control, ethnosocialism seeks to eliminate the exploitation of workers and natural resources that is inherent in a capitalist system. This also allows for the redistribution of wealth and resources in a way that benefits the entire community, rather than just a wealthy elite.

In addition to public ownership of resources, ethnosocialism places a high value on populocratic decision-making. Unlike in a capitalist system, where decisions are made by a small group of wealthy individuals, under ethnosocialism decisions are made through populocratic processes that involve the participation of the entire community. This allows for a more responsive and adaptive economy that is able to meet the needs of the community of economic consumers in an ethnosocialist society.

In an ethnosocialist system, the government plays a central role in regulating the economy. However, unlike in a centrally planned-economy, decisions are made through populocratic processes that involve the participation of the people. This allows for the creation of an economy that is responsive to the needs of the community and is able to adapt to changing circumstances.

Another key feature of ethnosocialism is the elimination of worker exploitation. In a capitalist system, workers are often paid low wages and subjected to poor working conditions, while a small group of owners and shareholders reap the profits. Under ethnosocialism, workers would have a say in how the means of production are managed, and their labour would be valued as a key input in the production process. This would allow for a more equitable distribution of wealth and resources and would help to eliminate the vast wealth inequality that is present in a capitalist system.

Ethnosocialism also places a high value on environmental sustainability. By publicly owning and managing natural resources, the community is able to ensure that they are used in a way that is sustainable and does not harm the environment. Additionally, by eliminating the drive for profit that is inherent in a capitalist economy, ethnosocialism allows for a more long-term and holistic approach to environmental management.

While there are challenges to implementing such a system, including resistance from entrenched economic elites in our African society, ethnosocialism offers a moneyless trade-off on economic distribution and exchange or a non-monetary economy as a promising alternative to the current monetary system, which is rife with exploitation, inequality, and environmental destruction.

While the central theme of the theory of ethnosocialism is a socio-economic ideology that places a high value on collective ownership and control of the means of production, distribution, and exchange by the collective members of society. However, the extreme or outer theme of ethnosocialism goes beyond just economic management. It is not simply about creating a nation of workers, but rather a nation of thinkers who are committed to creating an egalitarian society and economic-equality for all.

One of the key ideas behind ethnosocialism is to think beyond the current confines of planet Earth. The theory of ethnosocialism purpose to create collective socialists of people and organisations that envision a future where humans have colonised other planets in the solar system and beyond, making them habitable for human life. This is not just a fanciful idea, but a practical goal that could help ensure the long-term survival of the human race.

The colonisation of other planets is not just about expanding our reach, but also about creating a more egalitarian society for the human species. Ethnosocialists believe that by expanding beyond the Earth, we can create new opportunities for all creations in the Universe. This includes not only workers, but also thinkers, scientists, and artists who can contribute to the development of new technologies, cultures, and ideas.

In order to achieve this goal, ethnosocialists believe that it is necessary to challenge the current economic and political systems that prioritise the interests of a wealthy elite over those of the broader community of people. This means advocating for collective ownership and control of the means of production, distribution, and exchange, as well as for populocratic decision-making processes that give all members of society a say in how resources are managed and distributed. This would place the human-race in the economic readiness to colonise other planets without being hindered by the condition of the monetary system that would hinder such progress for a progressive and flourishing socialism everywhere in the Universe.

While the idea of colonising other planets may seem like a far-off dream, it is one that is grounded in practicality and a desire to ensure the long-term survival and flourishing of the human race. It is also important to recognise that the collective socialist theme of ethnosocialism is not just about the future, but also about the present.

By advocating for more equitable and sustainable economic and social systems, ethnosocialists are working to create a better world for all people, regardless of their background, race, ethnicity or social status. By advocating for collective ownership and control of resources and populocratic decision-making processes, ethnosocialists are working towards a future that is more just, sustainable, and equitable for all.

CHAPTER ONE

THE COMING-OF-AGE: PAN-AFRICAN SOCIALISM

A new dawn has broken in the ideology for Africa – exterminating the condition of underdevelopment in Africa to face its darkest night. The new dawn is not just a voice, but a symbol of a coming-of-age revolution. This revolution is not based on violence, but on the power of our voice, the strength of our convictions, and the unbreakable bond that we share as the young generation Africans. The new dawn has broken not as an authority figure, but as a fellow African citizen and a comrade in arms. This manifesto here speaks about the coming-of-age revolution for Africans everywhere, a movement that has been brewing in our hearts and minds for far too long.

The coming-of-age of Pan-African socialism refers to the idea that African-socialism, a collective national structure and cooperative economic system rooted in the principles of ancient African culture, values, and traditions, is the ultimate goal of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and its successor, the African-Union (AU). This revolutionary revival of African-socialism emerged in the 20^th century, and led all colonised nations in Africa to gained their Independence from European colonial powers and paused for each to establish their own independent sovereign States and economic systems. Now in the 21^st century, it revives to lead all African nations to their ultimate unity for a ‘United African States [UAS]’.

The philosophy of Pan-African socialism emphasises the importance of collective ownership and control of resources, as well as the need for social justice and economic equality. It is grounded in the belief that African societies have a unique history, culture, and set of values that should be reflected in their government, economic systems, and the social lives of Africans everywhere, both in the HomeLand and in the diaspora.

However, in the early years of the OAU, many African nations were still struggling with internal divisions and conflicts between their ancestral cultures and colonial education, making it difficult to implement a unified system of Pan-African socialism. To address this challenge, the OAU borrowed the republican nationalism structure of the Western world, which emphasises the importance of a divided African government and national identity, as a means of keeping the colonial divided African nations sustained for the time being.

The socio-economic practice of the African cooperative economic system was replaced with the western economic system of capitalism, where the national economy is individually regulated for the people and individually owned by the people, and created in Africa a national economy of the elites-class who owns the modes of economic production and exercise it in inequality relations over the entire community of people in African society.

In our current 21^st century generation, this manifesto is a socialist vision that is proposed to evolve into the current model of the AU member states. This model seeks to balance the need for a unified national identity and sovereignty with the desire for African unity and economic integration into a single national body and is based on a commitment to social justice and economic equality for all African peoples everywhere.

The coming-of-age of Pan-African socialism represents the ongoing evolution of African beliefs system and economic thought, and the belief that African societies have unique values and traditions that should be reflected in their national government structure and economic systems. The development of this manifesto represents a significant step forward for the AU member states in the ultimate realisation of the vision of Pan-African socialism.

In the year 1900, the first Pan-African Congress was held in the self-willed determination to unite all African nations, promoted the idea that garnered support for the unity of the HomeLand of Africa with its diaspora, in the recognition that all Africans face the same struggle and should be united in one populist voice to rise together and fight together to securing civil rights and governmental protection for Africans across the globe, was founded by Henry Sylvester-Williams, a Trinidadian barrister in London in 1897. Their potential, hope and aspirations, with little political or financial power to achieve it, were driven by W.E.B. Du Bois’ ability to repeatedly sought out “educated Black leaders” and prestigious delegates in order to get official recognition from the State government all around the world to support their revolutionary movement.

The collective beliefs of our ancestral generation of Africa, to institute a Pan-African unity, that sought to be the significant cause for the self-determination and self-governance of African people in the HomeLand and indigenous Black people in the diaspora, with the motivation to confront the multifaceted problems of little and no true civil and political rights of African people everywhere that plague all African nations during the colonial era, with one united populist voice, specified their common problems, namely:

1. The degrading and illegal compound system of labour is in vogue in Kimberley and Rhodesia.
2. The so-called indenture, i.e., legalised bondage of African men and women and children to white colonists.
3. The system of compulsory labour in public works.
4. The “pass” or docket system is used for people of colour.
5. Local by-laws tending to segregate and degrade Africans such as the curfew; the denial to Africans of the use of footpaths; and the use of separate public conveyances.
6. Difficulties in acquiring real property.
7. Difficulties in obtaining the franchise.

The 7 outlined common problems of imposed social and economic impoverishment against African people everywhere were non-exhaustive and thus sets to reinforced the anti-colonial movement and ultimately became the originating seedbed for the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), now African Union (AU).

The African Union as an organisation represents the inevitable element for a revolution contained in this manifesto; indeed, the essence of the belief to raise a Pan-Africanism Revolution for the eventual United African States is a commitment that exists since the first Pan-African Conference held in London from 23 to 25 July 1900, before all people existing on African soil today was born.

Today, the year 2024, 124 years after the first Pan-African Congress, the African Union organisation has yet to fulfilled the final and last stage to complete the spiritedness shown by our ancestors for a united African society, both in the HomeLand and in the diaspora, to rise together and fight together to resolving our common problems.

In the preceded volume-4 of this manifesto, I introduced the subject of collective-individualism in reference to the belief in compromise. The beliefs that bind collectivism are distinguished from the belief that upholds the psychological-adaptation of individualism to each of their ideology or opinion. If we agree that the belief of individualism arises with the ability of individuals to identify the need of each of their long-term goals and overall aims and interests, then the belief of Collectivism is the ability of individuals within the collective to relate each of their concessions as a compromise to being part of the collective as the means of equally achieving the need of their individual aspirations and objectives.

The understanding of the desirable beliefs of individuals to relating to the gaining of a better life condition which refers to self-interested belief on the part of the people that are governed in society, and the strategic belief of a collective to relating to the management of resources which refers to the belief in the regulatory-control on the part of the government in society, reveal the ways in which the belief that unites populocracy and govox-populi is a recognition of the revival of our African collectivist traditional culture and cooperative economic custom that defined the deep identity of our African ancestors in ancient times, and that was the underlying belief of the Pan-Africanism movement in the call for Independence of African States from Western colonial rule to return to our ancient African-socialism.

This manifesto has captured the way in which the current generation of Africans are emerging in One populist voice, everywhere we looked on social media platforms and on the streets in Africa, their individual self-willed determination for a better life condition has influenced their collective belief that defines their advocacy for the revival of Pan-African movement to unite all African States into a single national body, as a means to achieving our aspirations and objectives for a self-sufficient subsistence economy and social development in Africa and for Africans.

The collective beliefs of the current young generation of Africa, that the proposed United African States outlined in this manifesto, should conform to the overall strategic aims and interests of each and all African State governments to achieve their motivation to confront the multifaceted problems of impoverishment that plague all African nations today. There are a number of complex issues facing Africans that contribute to the underdevelopment of African nations. These include:

1. The degradation of all African money and currency illiquidity on the global financial market causes increasingly high inflationary rates in currency value and increasing high cost of living for all Africans: Many African countries struggle with weak economies, high inflation rates, and currency devaluation, which placed us in never-ending rising costs of living for ordinary citizens.
2. The high rate of material poverty in all African nations with dependencies on foreign used products to meet the rising demand for scarce economic resources in the African markets: Poverty remains a pervasive problem in many African countries, with many people lacking access to basic necessities such as food, water, and healthcare.
3. Africa is the lowest performing region in the world in terms of school access and education by a significant margin, with dependencies on Western curricula and the limited use of African curricula: Educational access and quality remain a challenge for many African countries, with many children not attending school or receiving a sub-standard education.
4. Health outcomes are worse in Africa than anywhere else in the world: African countries struggle with a range of health issues, including avoidable infectious diseases, malnutrition, and poor healthcare infrastructure.
5. Tolerance of domestic violence and lack of basic knowledge in science to improve advances in African culture and customs is twice as high in the rest of the developing world: Social issues such as domestic violence and lack of access to knowledge and education contribute to a cycle of poverty and underdevelopment.
6. Inadequate investment in sustainable agriculture and significant social protection remains the major blocks to enhancing organised food availability in all African countries: Agriculture is a key industry in many African countries, but lack of investment and state-of-the-art infrastructure hinders our potential for organised agricultural growth and development.
7. Continental brain-drain and the migration of young and educated Africans to foreign nations for a better life condition and alleviation of their individual human suffering: Many African countries struggle with a “brain drain” as educated professionals leave to seek better opportunities in foreign nations outside of Africa, which limits the potential for national growth and development in all African nations.
8. The lack of opportunities for building on the international momentum to drive the slow economic growth rate of all African States for economic development and social change in the same era as the world Web-Internetisation socialism: African countries struggle to compete in the global market, and lack of investment in digital technology and web-based infrastructure limits their potential for 21^st century growth and development.
9. The negative impacts of the conditions attached to foreign aid to all African governments retards and distort the process of economic development of all African nations: Foreign aid is in theory designed to provide important resources for African countries, but it in practice creates dependency and distorts local economies.
10. The rules-of-engagement imposed upon all African States by foreign agents that are currently keeping all African economies detached from the capitalist-centred global market-economy and producing the condition of underdevelopment of all African States: Many African countries face structural barriers to growth and development, including a lack of access to global markets and unfair trade practices.

The 10 outlined issues facing African nations are indeed significant and highlight the many challenges facing the continent. However, it is important to note that these issues are not insurmountable and this manifesto has worked to address them.

Moreover, it is important to recognise that Africa is a diverse continent with many different cultures, languages, and shared histories. While there are certainly common challenges faced by many African nations, the entirety of this manifesto approaches these issues with sensitivity and an understanding of the unique contexts in which they arise.

Nevertheless, the recognition of these challenges is an important step towards addressing them and building a more prosperous and equitable future for all Africans. It is also important to recognise the potential of African ethnosocialism as a framework for addressing these issues and building a more just and equitable united African society.

By recognising the strengths and resilience of the African peoples, and by building on the traditions of Pan-Africanism and other movements for liberation, this manifesto envisions a future in which African nations are able to overcome the challenges they face and build a prosperous and just society for all. This will require a sustained commitment to national, economic, and governmental transformation, as well as a recognition of the role that individual African State must play in shaping their own futures within the proposed unity for the United African States.

Pan-African Revolution for the eventual establishment of the United African States is the outset of the solution to all the problems we face in Africa at the present, and every forthcoming generation of Africa is set to inherit the same set of problems if we failed to resolve it in this generation of ours. Pan-Africanism of the 20^th century had shown the collective ability of Africans to come together in one populist voice and resolved their common problems for freedom, equality between the races and self-governance of all African society.

It is in this recognition that this manifesto raised the Pan-Africanism of the 21^st century to show the collective capability of Africans to come together in one populist voice and resolve the common problems of disunity of self-governance and economic impoverishment that plague all African society in our generation today.

To begin to resolve this problem, I introduce an important distinction between two sets of beliefs – mindset-belief and skillset-belief. Reapplying the theory of collective-individualism in reference to the belief of compromise, mindset-belief can be characterised as a kind of self-willed ability – that is, the determination of a group, potentials, hope and aspirations to promote an idea as a means to garner external support to accomplish it, with comparatively little or no means to achieving it; while skillset-belief can be characterised as a kind of self-assured capability – that is, the confidence of a group, power, certitude and resolution, to express the courage and can-do attitude as a means to garner resources to accomplish it, with a natural aptitude and strengths to achieving it.

As such, the belief of collective-individualism is the quantification of attributes through which the object of belief is weighed and measured for its potential success or failure. While the Pan-African movement of our older generation was the former, the Pan-African movement of the current young generation of Africa is of the latter.

For far too long, our generation has been pushed aside, ignored, and dismissed as naïve and inexperienced. We have been told that our opinions in government don’t matter, that our dreams to no longer be bound by the narrow confines of the colonial-prescribed borders, the national structure of republican that is keeping all African nations to remain divided, the illusion of democracy, poverty and inequality, are unrealistic, and that our passions for a United African States are just a phase.

For too many decades, we have been trapped in a bureaucratic system that does not work for us. We have been told that we must follow the rules of the class-system, work hard, and play by the book that is keeping ordinary Africans subjugated in the global market-economy. We have been taught to believe that this is the only way to succeed in life, that this is the only path to happiness and fulfilment.

But we know deep down that this is not true. We know that there is more to life than just following the rules and doing what we are told. We know that we are capable of so much more than what the colonial-prescribed system for our African older generation allows us to be. This manifesto is here to tell you that time has changed now. Africans are a force to be reckoned with in the global economy, and our generation will not be silenced. We are the future of Africa, and we will not stand idly by while our future is decided for us by foreign powers.

We are a generation of dreamers, thinkers, and innovators. We are the ones who have been pushing boundaries, breaking barriers, and paving the way for a better future life. We have the power to make a difference, and we will not be held back by any entity anymore. This is why we must band together not to demand change, but to be the change we want in the African continent and for Africans. We must build a system that works for us, not against us. We must build an African world where we can pursue our dreams and passions without fear of judgment or failure.

We have seen the injustices perpetrated against African descent in this world, and we refuse to accept them as the norm. We have seen the devastation caused by civil wars and political unrest for our natural resources, and we refuse to sit back and watch our planet die in the hands of foreign powers. We have seen the inequalities and discrimination faced by our fellow Africans everywhere, and we refuse to stay silent.

We must build an African world where we can be ourselves as Africans, unapologetically and without reservation. We must build an African world where we are free to express ourselves, question the legitimacy of any foreign authority interference in our affairs, and stand up for what we believe in. We must stand up for what we believe in as Africans, we must fight for what is right for us to have, and we must never back down. We must use our populocratic selection of government policies to bring about change, hold our government accountable, and create a world that is just, equal, and sustainable for all Africans everywhere. And we must bring about this change now. We cannot wait for the colonial-prescribed system in Africa to change on its own for Africans, for it never will. We must be the change that we wish to see in Africa, and we must start now with this manifesto.

So, my fellow Africans, I urge you to join this manifesto in this African coming-of-age revolution. Let us show the world what we are capable of, let us inspire others to take action with us, and let us be the change that we want to see in this world. So let us come together, young and old, rich and poor, and be the change that we deserve. Let us show the world what it means to be free from endemic corruption in government, what it means to institute an ethnopublic national structure and system of populocracy, and what it means to promote an interdependent leadership in a govox-populi system of government.

This manifesto has brought the African coming-of-age revolution upon us, and the African young generation leading the way. We have seized this moment, we have seized the opportunity, and we are creating an African world that our generation and future African generations can be proud of. Together, we are making a difference. Together, we are creating a better Africa.

You, son and daughter of Africa, stand up and be counted, for this is your time, this is our revolution, and we will not be silenced.

CHAPTER TWO

TRANSITION PROGRAM: AFRICAN ETHNOPUBLIC STATES

Africans are facing many challenges in the 21^st century, including economic inequality, the polarisation of partisan politics in governments, climate change, and the rise of a democratic-authoritarian form of governance in governments. These challenges are particularly acute in countries that are still developing in their digital-age or undergoing insignificant social and economic development. In this context, a transitional program for the unity of African ethnopublic States offers a framework for addressing these challenges and building a more just and equitable United African States.

In my overview analyses, an ethnopublic transitional program is a set of policies and strategies designed to address the immediate needs of African divided nations while also laying the groundwork for long-term structural change. In the context of collective African States unity, an ethnopublic transitional program focused on building a more equitable and populocratic society across all African States, working to overcome the challenges caused by the colonial-prescribed borders that have historically kept these nations apart and ensures their underdevelopment.

One of the key elements of the ethnopublic transition program is a focus to institute regional-Commissions as a broad-based central government structure that drives national development change from the bottom-up. This involves organising regional-Commissions under the citizenry-branch and economy-branch of government structure, as well as organising Advisory-bodies across regions for grassroots mobilisation and the direct management of government institutions in a commicratic manner by members of regional communities.

With this approach, while the State supervisory duties of the House-of-StateLords Assembly have a responsibility to constitutionally inform and judicially direct to guiding regional-communities to conforming to ethnopublic unity, the Administrative-division of government where the Economy, Citizenry and Secretariat branches of government occupy would individually maintain their government positions to monitoring, observing and regulating citizenry activities without instructing.

Another key element of the ethnopublic transitional program is the development of policies and strategies that address the immediate needs of tribal marginalised communities, while also laying the groundwork for long-term change. For example, an ethnopublic transition program might include restructuring State boundaries through policies to address tribal conflicts, economic inequality, and universal healthcare, and to make economic production and distribution evenly across regions in proportion to demands to meet each of their supplies for provision. It also includes policies to address social inequality and culture-clash, such as affirmative action and the promotion of diverse representation in regional policies to conform in a uniform fashion with other spheres of public life across regions.

In addition to these policies, the African ethnopublic transitional program employs the central ethnocorporatist economic system to address the root causes of the problems facing collective States. This involves changing the national economic rules to force a new contraction to re-contracts the dominance of transnational corporations and other capitalist global economic actors and transition them into corporatist economic relations, as well as promoting sustainable and locally-driven economic development strategies across Africa. It also involves instituting a commicracy mode of organisation and dismantling the bureaucracy mode of organisation and its corruption that have historically flourished under democratic governance across all African States.

While a transition program for the unity of the United African States offers a powerful framework for addressing the challenges facing African nations and the African diaspora, it also faces significant challenges. One of the main challenges is the diversity of languages across the various nations involved. Developing a program that can address the needs of each State within the unity while also promoting a collective sense of identity and purpose will require careful attention to our language differences.

I made this point to address the need to look beyond our differences with the western world in all areas. I recognise that there are areas in which collective relations would be most beneficial and my advocacy to maintain the English language as an official language in Africa is one of them.

All African States within the unity have a shared history of western colonialism: The English language was introduced to many African countries through colonisation, with many European powers establishing colonies on the African continent. This history has left a legacy in the form of English being the official language of many African nations.

In contrast, Swahili, while being a widely spoken language in East Africa, has not been historically associated with the administration or governance of many African countries. While French is also a widely spoken official language in French colonies in Africa, all other languages spoken by people anywhere are often compelled to revert to the English language, or at the very least vernacular English or broken-English so-called, when interacting with English-speaking people everywhere, and not just in Africa.

I hear of strong advocacy for the Swahili language to be the official language in Africa. Swahili is a Bantu language that is widely spoken in Africa, particularly in Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Mozambique, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. It is estimated that over 100 million people in Africa speak Swahili, making it one of the most widely spoken languages on the continent.

The idea of making Swahili the official language of Africa has gained popularity in recent years, and there are several reasons for this. One of the main reasons is the need to promote African unity and identity, which of course is the ambition of this manifesto in the promotion of African ethnosocialist society.

Swahili is a language that cuts across different ethnic groups and regions in Africa, making it an ideal choice for a Pan-African language. The argument has been that by adopting Swahili as the official language, African countries can promote a sense of unity and identity among their people, and foster a shared sense of culture and heritage.

Another argument proposed for the reason for the popularity of Swahili is its simplicity and ease of learning. Swahili is a relatively simple language that is easy to learn, even for non-native speakers. This makes it an ideal choice for an official language, as it would be accessible to a large number of people, and would not be a barrier to communication or education.

Furthermore, Swahili has a rich cultural heritage and history that spans centuries. It has been influenced by various languages, including Arabic, Portuguese, and English, making it a unique and dynamic language that reflects the diversity of African cultures. Adopting Swahili as the official language would not only preserve and promote this rich cultural heritage but also make it more accessible to a wider audience.

In addition, making Swahili the official language of Africa could have economic benefits. Swahili is already widely used in trade and commerce across East Africa, and its adoption as the official language could help to boost regional trade and economic growth. It could also promote tourism, as it would make it easier for visitors to communicate and navigate their way around the continent.

However, my argument is not so much about the benefit of Swahili as the official Pan-African language in Africa, there are also some challenges to making Swahili the official language of Africa. One of the main challenges is the fact that there are already several official languages in different African countries, and adopting Swahili as the sole official language could be seen as favouring one language over others. This could potentially lead to resentment and conflict among different ethnic groups and regions.

Another challenge is the cost and logistics of implementing such a change. Adopting Swahili as the official language would require significant investment in education, training, and infrastructure to ensure that people can learn the language and use it effectively. It would also require changes to government policies, official documents, and communications, which could be costly and time-consuming. Adopting Swahili as the official African language would not be beneficial for our current generation, considering that the majority of Africans in our current generation speak and interacts in English in one form or the other, even amongst French speaking Africans.

Therefore the idea of making Swahili the official language of Africa is a popular one, and there are several compelling reasons for it. However, there are also challenges that would remain insurmountable to overcome in our generation in adopting Swahili as the official language, and the careful consideration given to the practicalities and implications of such a change undermines its benefits.

Ultimately, while the decision to adopt Swahili as the official African language in our current generation is not proposed or remain neutral in this manifesto, the decision to adopt Swahili as the official language for our future African generations would need to be made by introducing Swahili as a compulsory educational language subject imposed on all African schools. The policy decision is a populocratic one that must be made in an elective-process by the entire African population, and not the decision of African leaders or a section of African regional communities to make.

With a focus on promoting unity, diversity, and globalisation of the proposed United African States with the rest of the world, I advocate maintaining the English language as the official African language in our current generation. My reasoning is this:

1. Global Dominance: English is a global language that is spoken by over 1.5 billion people worldwide. It is also the official language of many international organisations such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. As such, English is often seen as the language of international business, education, and diplomacy. Given the interconnectedness of the world, the use of English as the official language in Africa allows for better communication and cooperation with other countries and organisations, especially during this crucial period of transition programs for the United African States.

2. Education and Economic Opportunities: English is often seen as a language of opportunity, with many educational and economic opportunities being available to those who speak it fluently. Many African countries recognise this fact and prioritise teaching English in schools, making it an essential language for upward social mobility. In contrast, while Swahili is widely spoken in East Africa, it may not be as useful for international communication and cooperation or access to global economic opportunities for Africans.

3. Unity and Diversity: Africa is home to over 2,000 languages, making it one of the most linguistically diverse regions in the world. While celebrating and preserving this linguistic diversity is important, having a common language can promote unity and facilitate communication among different ethnic and linguistic groups. Given its widespread use all over the world, English serves as a common language across many African countries, enabling greater cultural exchange and cooperation.

Therefore, while Swahili is an important and widely spoken language in East Africa, the historical legacy of colonialism, the global dominance of English, and its utility for education and economic opportunities set to be available for Africans in an ethnocorporatist economy, as well as the need for a common language for unity and diversity not just in Africa but with the rest of the world, have made English the official language I propose for the ‘United African States’ in our generation.

Another challenge is in the economic context in which the United African States proposed to operate. In a world dominated by monetary economic policies and individually owned capitalist economic powers, it can promote risk tolerance for a corporatist State superpower to transact economic relations with individually owned foreign corporations.

In order to assert ethnopublic autonomy and promote economic policies that promote the status quo of a populocratic egalitarian society, the citizenry-regulated public-owned national economy becomes the responsibility of individuals within the working-group to engage in international trading with foreign corporations with African economic resources made available for such foreign trade purposes.

A transitional program for African economic unity would concentrate on the government regulations of the national mode of economic production for foreign trading, as well as employ strategic means in navigating the challenges that the foreign trading endeavours of African workers may face, building and securing economic alliances with transnational corporations and foreign nations to allow easy trading activities for the African traders, and leveraging global networks to promote change for African made-produce.

Unlike the secretariat-ministry of National Insurance & Multinational Finance which deals exclusively with citizenry foreign activities, be it education, economic trading, tourism, visitation, etc, the secretariat-ministry of International Affairs & Trade deals exclusively with the institution of government-owned foreign trading activities. While the secretariat-ministry of International Affairs & Trade facilitates economic trade relations to evolve into an African national economy, the secretariat-ministry of National Insurance & Multinational Finance facilitates African national economic produce to be made available in foreign markets.

It also operates in the same capacity as the Federal Reserve Bank of Africa. This means it provides investment funds for African workers’ foreign trading activities and operates a banking facility to bank their foreign monies as well, available to them anywhere and everywhere around the world. This makes the ministry have an international base attached to the United African States’ diplomatic missions at every embassy and consulate office located in the capital city of foreign nations around the world.

As such, both secretariat-ministries operate particular functions that extend to the particular functions of the secretariat-ministry of Labour & Industry which operates at the national level as the chief economic producer and distributor of both national and international economic activities of the United African States.

For the Economy-branch of government, individual workers’ trading activities, both nationally and internationally, is an important component of the ethnocorporatist global economy, and the secretariat-branch of government plays a critical role in regulating the activities of African traders who engage in either trade.

The economy-branch of government monitors and observe without instructing over international trade activities as necessary to ensure that it benefits the national economy and the African people. In the event of a conflict between the regulatory activities of the secretariat-branch of government over international trade activities and the economy-branch of government’s monitoring and observatory activities, the supervisory role of the House-of-StateLords Assembly has the State responsibility to constitutionally inform and judicially direct both administrative-division of government in a more interactive way.

In this manifesto, I examine briefly how the govox-populi government regulates the international trading activities of their citizens and how they can monetise the national economy by selling national-made products abroad through citizen traders. One way in which governments regulate international trade is by proposing to implement trade policies that set rules and regulations for exports and imports.

These policies include tariffs, quotas, and other trade barriers that limit the flow of goods and services between Africa and foreign countries. These policies can be used to protect domestic industries from foreign competition, encourage the export of goods and services, and ensure that trade is conducted in a fair and ethical manner. By regulating trade in this way, the govox-populi government can ensure that international trade benefits their national economy and its citizens beyond measures.

Another way in which the govox-populi government would monetise the African national economy for its own monetary income is by selling national-made products abroad through citizen traders. In this approach, the govox-populi government should not be expected to often directly engage in international trade of exporting but allows its citizens to be the middle-man traders between the national economy and foreign buyers. By doing so, the government creates an environment where local businesses and entrepreneurs can participate in the global marketplace and benefit from the opportunities it provides for their individual economic empowerment.

To monetise its national economy in this way, the govox-populi government must provide support to citizen traders through the secretariat-ministry of National Insurance & Multinational Finance. This support includes financial assistance, training, and education on international trade practices and access to networks and contacts in foreign markets. By providing such support, the government can enable its citizens to become successful international traders who can effectively represent the national economy abroad.

There are several benefits to monetising the African national economy through citizen foreign traders. First, it promotes citizenry economic empowerment and puts to practice the recognition that ethnosocialist citizens of a society have shared ownership of their country’s natural resources and directly manage to stimulate their collective national economic growth. When citizen traders export national-made products abroad, they create demand for local goods and services, which can lead to increased production and wealth creation.

Second, it can generate revenue for the government in ways that are more profitable than the government engaging in the direct trading of national resources to foreign nations. By enabling citizen traders to sell African national-made products abroad, the government can earn foreign currency, which can be used to fund domestic programs and investments that require money in a non-monetary economy.

Third, it increases Africa’s international visibility and reputation. When African national-made products are exported abroad and receive positive feedback from foreign buyers, it can improve Africa’s image and reputation in the global marketplace.

As such, the govox-populi government play a critical role in regulating the international trading activities of their citizens. By implementing trade policies and supporting citizen traders, governments can monetise their national economy by selling national-made products abroad. This approach creates vast wealth in foreign currencies amongst citizens while at the same time, citizens take full advantage of the non-monetary economy operating on the ground in Africa at the national level. This approach also generates revenue for the government and improves the corporatist African States’ international reputation.

It is therefore important that the secretariat-branch of government would invest in supporting its African citizens who engage in international trade, as it is designed to lead to significant benefits for the national economy and its citizens.

Another challenge is in the context of the govox-populi administrative system of government in which the United African States proposed to operate. In today’s world, where political systems of government policies and individualised global economic superpowers dominate, protecting the individual rights of Africans abroad can be a challenging task. Unlike govox-populi, which takes a very short time to make decisions, political systems rely on inputs from various sources to make governmental decisions. Thus, a transitional program for the United African States must be strategic in navigating these challenges.

To begin with, the program must build alliances with transnational corporations and foreign governments. These alliances can help promote a common agenda of protecting the rights of Africans abroad. The program can leverage these alliances to create awareness about the importance of individual human rights and the willingness of the African government to provide guarantees to its foreign associates in encouraging support for citizenry policies that promote these rights. By promoting working cooperatively with foreign associates, the program can harness the collective power of these alliances to influence governments and corporations to act in the best interest of Africans living abroad.

Moreover, leveraging global networks can be another effective strategy to promote populocratic change. The program can leverage existing global networks to create awareness about the plight of Africans living abroad and promote policies that protect their rights. By tapping into these networks, the program can reach a wider audience, create more awareness for Africans and encourage more countries to take advantage of its benefits for their individual citizens living abroad.

Finally, the transitional program must promote stable populocracy to protect the individual rights of Africans abroad. This can be done by creating an inclusive collective system that ensures equal representation for all members of society anywhere. This can help create a more equitable society where individual rights from anywhere are respected and protected when made subject under any governmental system anywhere. By promoting stable populocracy, the program can create an environment where individual rights are protected, and the needs of the people from anywhere are prioritised.

Therefore, protecting the individual rights of Africans abroad in a world dominated by political systems of government policies and individualised global economic superpowers can be challenging. However, a transitional program for the United African States can navigate these challenges by building alliances with transnational corporations and foreign nations, leveraging global networks, and promoting stable populocracy for Africans everywhere. These strategies can help promote change and protect the rights of Africans living abroad.

A transitional program for United African States’ unity offers a powerful framework for addressing the challenges facing African nations at the present and building a more just and equitable society. By focusing on the grassroots mobilisation of regional Advisory-bodies as the basis for a govoxical or economic movement. to use collective action from the local level to effect change at the local, regional, national or international level, citizenry policies would address immediate needs and strategies for challenging the root causes of social and economic inequality. This program has the potential to promote real change not just across the united African States but would influence the progressive condition of foreign nations as well.

However, it will also face significant challenges, including the diversity of global cultures and histories involved and the global political and economic context in which foreign nations operate. Nevertheless, with a sustained commitment to social, economic, and govoxical transformation at the national level, United African States’ unity can build a more just and equitable future for all.

Transition from Democracy to Populocracy

Democracy form of governance was created by the ancient Greeks around the 5th-century-B.C.E. They comprehended it as a form of governance in which adult citizens of a nation would be expected to participate in the day-to-day administration of the government of their country and manage it directly. Since the collective of the governed people has a right to participate in government affairs equally, it operates with a central governing body with the collective of people forming a network to prescribe and enforce their social policies and laws in collective socialism – democracy. The institution of government belongs to the collective citizens of a nation and is accountable to the authority of the people collectively through their jointly prescribed order of democratic socialism.

Populocracy form of governance is the established structure that developed naturally on the web-internetisation platform. The founder of the World Wide Web, Sir Tim Berners-Lee, famously declined to patent the Internet to keep it free and accessible to everyone. This makes the Internet belongs to the people. Since no person has a patent or copyright over the internet, it operates without a central governing body with each constituent network setting and enforcing its own policies in a collective-individualism socialism – populocracy. The web-internetisation belongs to the collective people of this world and is accountable to the participatory people collectively through their contributory association of its populocratic socialism.

The concept of a representative government is an essential component of a central governing structure, which is based on the principles of sovereignty, equality, and the rule of law. In a representative government, the people elect their leaders who then act as their representatives in the government. This type of government structure is based on the idea that it is not practical for every citizen to participate in the day-to-day affairs of the government at all material times, and therefore, a representative body is needed to represent the interests of the people.

In a representative-democracy, citizens have the right to vote for the candidates they believe will best represent their interests in the decision-making process of the government. These representatives are accountable to the citizens who elected them and are expected to act in the best interest of their constituents. The representative government body, in turn, is accountable to the regulatory authority of its own government to itself, which is responsible for maintaining law and order and ensuring the welfare of the citizens.

In a representative-populocracy, citizens have the right to vote for the candidates they believe will best provide unbiased policy information-delivery that enables the citizens to participate directly in the decision-making process of the government in an elective-process. These representatives are accountable to the citizens who elected them and are expected to act in the best interest of their constituents. The representative government body, in turn, is accountable to the supervisory authority of the State judiciary outside of itself, which is responsible for maintaining law and order and ensuring the welfare of the citizens.

The representative government structure is a balance between individual rights and the collective welfare of society. Democracy and populocracy differ in their representative government model. While both democratic citizens and populocratic citizens have the right to elect their representatives and hold them accountable, democratic citizens also have to abide by the laws and regulations set by the government and populocratic citizens also have to impose laws and regulations set by the government. Both forms of government create a central governing body that is responsible for the functioning of the State, but also ensures that individual rights are protected.

In a representative government, the elected officials are expected to be responsive to the needs of the citizens they represent. This means that they must be accessible to their constituents, listen to their concerns, and take appropriate action in developing policies. While democratic governments impose policy decisions to govern the people, populocratic governments propose policy decisions for the people to select in an elective-process to govern themselves. The head of government, in turn, must provide the necessary resources and support to the representatives to carry out their responsibilities effectively.

Therefore, the concept of a representative government is crucial for the functioning of a central governing body or structure. The transition from democracy to populocracy is desirable to our 21st-century advances because populocracy allows for the direct participation of citizens in the decision-making process of the government while ensuring that individual rights are protected and the collective welfare of the society is maintained by the citizens themselves.

Populocracy governance is gaining increasing attention in recent years, albeit in the form of an acronym of ‘populism as a system’. The fact remains that citizens around the world have become increasingly disillusioned with representative-democracy where the government impose policy decisions to govern the people in their society and increasingly causes people to raise protests to demand change.

Populocracy governance is an approach to government that seeks to demand citizens to participate directly in the selection of government policy decision-making in an elective-process, making the governed people the voice of policy-making and implementation. The transition from a democratic form of governance to a populocracy form of governance is straightforward, unchallengeable and ultimately a rewarding process, and requires digital planning and execution.

Firstly, it is important to recognise that populocracy governance is specific to an ethnopublic nationalism structure where it can provide an adaptable solution. The specific form that populocracy governance takes depends on the govox-populi administrative system of government, commicracy mode of organisation, and ethno-corporatist economic context of a given country or region. However, here I provide some brief general principles that can guide the transition to populocracy governance.

One key principle is that populocracy restores the trust that has eroded in a democratic society between citizens and government. This is achieved through transparency and accountability, as well as through the creation of digitalised web-platforms for citizens’ direct participation in decision-making of policy selection in an elective-processes.

For example, citizens can choose to be involved in the drafting of government policies through their regional citizenry-committees or economy-unionists, or they can choose to observe and monitor government performance within their regions through their local StateLord-Councillors and StateLord-Governors.

Another important principle is that populocracy restores the capacity of citizens that was deprived of democratic citizens to participate directly in the government decision-making processes. The principle of representative governing structure is based on the idea that it is not practical for every citizen to participate in the day-to-day affairs of the government at all material times, and therefore, a representative body is needed to represent the interests of the people, has now allows populocracy that developed as natural governance of web-internetisation platform to give back to the citizens their direct participation in the government decision-making processes.

This is achieved through elected-representative policy Information-delivery to their constituents and ensuring that citizens have the knowledge and skills necessary to participate effectively in government decision-making and to actively engage directly in their individuals’ voters’ selection of government policies in a digitalised elective-process on their mobile-phone Apps.

This also involves the public function roles of Advisory-bodies to create forums for discussion and debate that allow citizens to become more informed about the issues at stake or that affect them personally and as a collective, as well as providing education and training programs to individual citizens in ensuring that individual rights are protected within each of their various collectives. In balancing between individual rights and the collective welfare of the society, populocracy governance has by default gone beyond simply reconciling individualism and actually harnessing it for collective growth.

A third principle is how populocracy has aligned its processes to the daily participation of people on the web-internetisation platform. Since the use of the internet belongs to the collective people of this world and is accountable to the participatory people collectively through their contributory association of its populocratic socialism, representative-populocracy provides ease of access to its platform through a mobile-phone Apps and website that creates a culture of participation in a national government populocratic processes for citizens of a nation.

This means that populocracy promotes the idea that citizen direct participation in government affairs is a valuable and necessary component of people’s self-governance, and encourages citizens to take an active role in shaping their communities. This involves making direct participation a qualified right of citizenship in its own right for citizens who choose to govern themselves, such as recognition or rewards to witness their own direct contribution from putting their time and energy into public affairs through their individual Voter’s selection of government policy.

The transition to populocracy governance will require to be done on a timetable, which would require sustained effort and commitment from both government and citizens. It is important to recognise that there will be challenges along the way, including resistance from those vestige politicians in government with colonial education who are comfortable with the democratic status quo, or who may feel threatened by the idea of citizen direct participation to select their own government policies that meet their individual needs and that of their collectives. But we will overcome them wherever and whenever at every step of the way.

However, the potential benefits of populocracy governance are significant. By involving citizens more directly in government policy decision-making processes, governments can create policies that are more responsive to the needs and concerns of their constituents. This will lead populocracy to greater social cohesion, increased trust in government, and improved outcomes in areas such as public health, education, and environmental sustainability.

Therefore, the transition from a democratic form of governance to a populocracy form of governance is a simple and straightforward process and one that holds great promise for improving the quality of governance and strengthening the bonds between citizens and government. By building trust, capacity, and a culture of citizenry direct participation, the government creates more inclusive and responsive decision-making processes that benefit everyone.

One of the main causes of the transition from democracy to populocracy is the growing disillusionment of the people with the established partisan political parties and institutions. In Africa, the political parties have become disconnected from the concerns and aspirations of the people they purport to govern, and have failed to address their needs and demands.

This has created a vacuum that has been filled by populist movements with platforms on the internet that raise their voices as a collective that represent the interests of the ordinary people and challenge the democratic status quo. Populist movements often use simplistic and emotional language to appeal to the emotion of the people and to create a sense of belonging and solidarity among their followers across social media platforms.

Another factor that has contributed to the rise of populism as a system is the erosion of trust in the mainstream media and the global spread of alternative sources of information on the internet social media platforms. Populist movements often use social media and other digital platforms to bypass traditional media and to spread their message directly to the people.

This has created a new kind of public sphere where facts and opinions are mixed together, and where, if not populocratically governed, often leads to emotions and biases to prevailed over reason and evidence. State populocracy governance has been able to exploit this situation by presenting populocrats as the only ones who can be trusted to tell the truth, by using simplistic and logical analysis to provide Information-delivery to convince the people towards a prevailing view and helping individuals to harness their personal interests for the collective growth.

The pressing need for State governmental populocracy governance owing to our current 21st-century socio-human culture is many and varied, and they depend on the specific context and circumstances of each country anywhere in the world. In general, however, populism tends to be associated with a number of negative trends, such as the erosion of democratic institutions and the rule of law, the polarisation of society and the suppression of dissent, the degradation of public discourse and the spread of misinformation, and the erosion of international cooperation and the rise of protests in any form.

Populism often promotes a simplistic and narrow view of the world that divides people into us and them, and that portrays the elite and the foreigners as the enemies of the people. This kind of rhetoric can be dangerous and can lead to violence and conflict, as we have seen in many countries.

Here, the transition from State government democracy to populocracy is an evolutionary transition that will conform United African States’ government structure with the 21st-century advanced socio-human culture as it is taking place on the web-internetisation platform.

This reflects the deep social and political changes that are taking place in many countries around the world. While populism may offer some benefits in terms of giving voice to the concerns and aspirations of the people, it also poses serious risks to the stability and sustainability of representative governance anywhere.

The central governing structure of populocracy governance, which is based on the principles of sovereignty, equality, and the rule of law, controls and regulates Information-delivery to avoid the worst consequences of populism. Advisory-bodies are a promotional-group that upholds the status quo of populocracy in society. It is important for them to promote a culture of dialogue and respect, to strengthen populocratic institutions and the rule of law, and to foster a sense of civic responsibility and engagement among the people.

If we were to explore a transition program from a democratic form of governance to a populocracy form of governance that involves the people more directly in government policy decision-making processes, we might consider the following steps:

1. Direct public participation: One of the key features of populocracy is the emphasis on direct public participation in government decision-making processes. To address this, existing democratic institutions must be transformed to include mechanisms that facilitate greater public participation, such as citizen assemblies to be led by their constituent elected-representative, daily voters’ selection of government policy available on internet mobile Phone-Apps, and Advisory-bodies that are provided with enough resources to provide education, debates, training, and creating forums for discussion with members of their regional communities. This helps to ensure that the voices of the people are heard and that their concerns are taken into account in the government’s responsibility to provide the necessary resources and support to increase peoples’ direct participation in the daily government decision-making processes.

2. Encourage transparency and accountability: To build trust between the government and the people, it is important to promote transparency and accountability in all aspects of governance. This must include measures such as regular reporting on government activities such as the daily activities of maintaining a Journal and setting standards for the representative government conduct in their Information-Delivery, disclosure of campaign records, and open access to government data and information.

3. Promote civic education: To ensure that the public is able to fully participate in the populocratic process, it is important to adequately keep Advisory-bodies resourceful and professionally regulated to promote civic education that emphasises the importance of informed decision-making, critical thinking, and civic responsibility. This can help to create a more engaged and informed citizenry that is better equipped to participate in the populocratic governance of their society.

4. Strengthen populocratic institutions: To prevent the erosion of populocratic institutions, it is important for each branch of government to remain sensitive in strengthening the checks and balances that are in place to prevent abuses of power. This includes the public function roles of independent Advisory-bodies, a free and independent media, and the supervisory authority of the State judiciary over the Administrative-division of government bodies, in maintaining law and order and ensuring the welfare of the citizens.

In conclusion, the idea of a transition from democracy to populocracy is a desirable outcome as it leads to the erosion of democratic institutions and the rise of egalitarianism. Efforts should be made to strengthen populocratic governance and institutions, promote transparency and accountability, and encourage greater public participation in decision-making processes. By doing so, United African States can create a more robust and resilient populocratic system that is better equipped to respond to the needs and aspirations of the people.

Transition from Republic to Ethnopublic Nationalism

Nationalism is a governing ideology that emphasises the importance of a nation or collective of people with shared culture and practices to organise in a manner that accounts for the idealistic conceptions of how their society’s social structures should be characterised as a nation.

Nationalism in Africa emerged as a response to European colonisation, which began in the late 19^th-century and continued into the 20th century. Here is a brief overview of the history of nationalism in Africa:

1. Resistance to colonialism: African resistance to colonialism took many forms, including armed rebellion, protest, movements, and cultural resistance. Leaders like Samori Toure in West Africa, Yaa Asantewaa in Ghana, Mkwawa in Tanzania, and many more, fought against European colonial powers.

2. Pan-Africanism: The concept of Pan-Africanism emerged in the early 20th century, as African intellectuals and activists sought to create a sense of shared identity among Africans across national borders. The first Pan-African Congress was held in 1919 in Paris, and subsequent meetings were held in Europe and Africa.

3. Nationalist movements: Nationalist movements emerged in many African countries during the 20th century, driven by a desire for governing and cultural independence. Leaders like Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya, and Nelson Mandela in South Africa led successful struggles for Independence.

4. Post-Independence challenges: After gaining independence, African countries faced a range of challenges, including political instability, economic underdevelopment, and ongoing conflict. Some nationalist leaders turned to authoritarianism and one-party rule in an attempt to maintain stability.

5. Pan-Africanism in the 21^st century: Pan-Africanism continues to be an important ideology in Africa today, with leaders like Ghana’s Nana Akufo-Addo and South Africa’s Cyril Ramaphosa calling for greater unity among African nations. The African Union (AU), founded in 2002, is a continental organisation that aims to promote economic and political integration.

Nationalism in Africa has been shaped by a long history of resistance to colonialism, the struggle for Independence, and ongoing efforts in this manifesto to create a structural shared identity and unity of a United African States (UAS).

In our current 21^st century era, nationalism has been a powerful force in shaping national identities, social movements, and state-building projects around the world. One key aspect of nationalism that has changed over time is its relationship to ethnicity and cultural identity.

The increase in socialisation across social media platforms has driven positive effects on the integration of ethnicity, culture, and race, and increased mixed identities. Here are some ways in which web-internetisation has driven nationalism to contribute to increased global integration that influenced the theory of ethnopublic nationalism in this manifesto:

1. National identity: Nationalism creates a sense of national identity that transcends ethnic, cultural, and racial differences. By emphasising common values and beliefs, nationalism brings diverse groups of people together under a shared national identity.
2. Cultural exchange: Nationalism promotes cultural exchange between different groups. As people come together under a shared national identity, they also share their cultural practices and traditions, leading to increased understanding and appreciation of different cultures.
3. Multiculturalism: Nationalism supports multiculturalism by recognising the importance of cultural diversity within a nation.
4. Mixed identities: Nationalism creates space for people with mixed identities to find a place within society. For example, in the United States of America, the concept of the “melting pot” has been used to describe how people from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds can come together to form a new, shared identity.

However, nationalism can also have negative effects on integration. For example, nationalism can lead to exclusion and discrimination against minority groups, as the emphasis on national identity can create a sense of “us” versus “them.” This leads to tensions between different groups and makes it difficult for people with mixed identities to find acceptance within society.

Regardless, nationalism can have both positive and negative effects on the integration of ethnicity, culture, race, and mixed identities. While it undoubtedly creates a sense of national identity and promotes cultural exchange, it can also lead to exclusion and discrimination against minority groups.

Ultimately, the impact of nationalism on integration depends on how it is practised and how it is balanced against other values such as diversity and inclusivity, and this is where the theory of ethnopublic nationalism has been recognised to provide an adaptable solution specific to populocracy form of governance in an ethnosocialist society.

In this manifesto, I examine the transition from republic nationalism to ethnopublic nationalism and the implications of this shift for the govox-populi system of government and social dynamics in the proposed United African States.

Republic nationalism, also known as civic nationalism, emphasises the importance of shared political values and institutions as the basis for national identity. In this view, the nation is defined by its citizens, who share a commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and individual rights. Republic nationalists see the nation as a community of equals, bound together by a common loyalty to these principles. This form of nationalism emerged during the Enlightenment period in western societies, as a response to the feudalism and absolutism of the old regime. It was a powerful force in the American and French revolutions, and later in the formation of modern nation-states in Europe.

Ethnopublic nationalism, on the other hand, emphasises the importance of shared ethnicity, language, religion, economic custom, or culture as the basis for national identity. In this view, the nation is defined by its cultural and historical heritage, and by the collective identity of its people. Ethnopublic nationalists see the nation as a community of kin, bound together by common ancestry and culture. This form of nationalism has been more prevalent in African society since the primitive era, where ethnic and religious diversity has been a more salient feature of the social life of the African people.

The proposed transition from republic nationalism to ethnopublic nationalism for the United African States in this manifesto is marked by a number of historical and social factors. In this case, it has been driven by the challenges of continental-building and nation-building of all African States in contexts where the imposed protégé economic system across all African nations has been reproducing scarce economic resources in Africa for Africans with export-oriented practices of African natural resources to benefit western nations to sustain their economic development and kept African economy poor with increasing inflation. In this case, ethnopublic nationalism has emerged as a way of forging shared socio-economic customs and practices as a national identity and unity of the diverse populations of ethnicity and race of the African continent.

For example, in India, the struggle for independence from British colonial rule was marked by a strong emphasis on republic nationalism, as the Indian National Congress sought to unite Hindus and Muslims around the goal of self-determination. However, after independence, the rise of ethnocultural tensions between these groups led to a shift towards ethnopublic nationalism, as the Indian state sought to promote a Hindu-centric vision of Indian identity. This shift was exemplified by the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its Hindu nationalist agenda, which has sought to redefine the Indian nation in ethnocultural terms.

Similarly, in China, the transition from republic nationalism to ethnopublic nationalism has been shaped by the challenges of maintaining unity in a large, diverse, and rapidly changing society. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has emphasised a civic nationalist vision of the Chinese nation, based on the idea of a shared commitment to socialism and modernisation. However, in recent years, the CCP has also sought to promote a more ethnocultural vision of Chinese identity, emphasising the Han majority and downplaying the importance of ethnic diversity.

In Europe, the transition from republic nationalism to ethnopublic nationalism has been marked by the rise of far-right populist movements, which have sought to redefine national identity in more exclusive and exclusionary terms. These movements often emphasise the importance of ethnicity, race, or culture in defining national identity, and reject the idea of an inclusive civic nationalism based on shared political values.

The implications of this shift towards ethnopublic nationalism proposed for the United African States I defined in the preceded volume-2 of this manifesto as: “communities of people with different ethnic backgrounds or nations with different social identity, united as a nation – not by race, religion or ethnicity – but by their proclaimed common-unity and shared practices of socio-economic interests, and the citizens having shared-governance of the day-to-day affairs of their government.”

This provides a sense of belonging and identity for any group who currently feels marginalised, or oppressed communities who may have been excluded from dominant civic nationalist narratives under their current republican nationalism in Africa.

Ethnopublic nationalism based on the socio-economic custom leads to inclusion and impartiality against those who do not fit the dominant ethnocultural identity within their regional communities. In this case, it leads to an increased diversity of cultures and languages cohabiting side-by-side within the same region across Africa.

Therefore, the shift towards ethnopublic nationalism has implications for the way that the United African States will be organised and governed. In many cases, it is proposed that the centralisation of State legislative power in the hands of the majority of the population as citizenry-electorates, centralisation of economic-power in the hands of the working-group, and centralisation of State judicial power in the hands of the StateLords who are also the joint head-of-states of the United African States, and centralisation of State executive power in the hands of the secretary-of-states who is also the head of government of the United African States.

As shown, there is no centralisation of power in the hands of any dominant ethnocultural group in government that may exercise State power at the expense of any minority rights and representation. This is to demonstrates that ethnopublic nationalism organised on a shared practice of socio-economic custom has a shared centralised power between them that is not dominant to any group.

This creates a diversity of ethnic culture and harmonious socialism within African-socialism, as the concept of both minority and majority groups in ethnicity, religion or race are insignificant to meet the needs of individuals in government, and individuals regardless of race, gender or ethnicity are left to seek to assert their own individual corposense to demand greater govoxical achievement to oneself and oneself only, in the promotion of collective-individualistic socialism that is the hallmark of populocracy form of governance.

Therefore, the transition from republic nationalism to ethnopublic nationalism reflects the evolving nature of nationalism in Africa as a governing system and social development that arose and was favoured by our nationalist conception for its current function. While republic nationalism emphasises the importance of shared political values and institutions, the proposed African ethnopublic nationalism emphasises the importance of shared socio-economic customs and govoxical institutions.

This shift has been driven by a variety of our shared historical and social factors and has implications for our future governing system and social dynamics across African States. The transition is set to promote inclusive and populocratic forms of nationalism that are respectful of diversity and human rights, and thus create greater happiness for a greater number of Africans anywhere.

It is therefore important to note that there is no specific “transition program” from republic nationalism to ethnopublic nationalism, as this shift is the result of complex historical and social factors that vary across different countries and contexts. However, there are some general trends and strategies that have been observed in countries where this transition has taken place and which I examined in developing a transition program for the United African States.

One common strategy is the promotion of the working-group to fulfil the role of the dominant socio-economic identity as the basis for national unity and identity, in setting aside ethnocultural identity. This may involve the use of language and symbols that emphasise the economic status of the working-group as the dominant group, and the marginalisation or suppression of minority conchie-workers who are conscientious objectors to economic service and content to live on free basic necessities off of the State.

The term “Unified by Diversity: Exploring the Economic Identities that Define Us” This title acknowledges that while there may be dominant economic identities, there is also a multitude of other identities that make up the diverse fabric of a nation. By exploring and celebrating these identities, we can build a stronger sense of national unity and collective identity.

Another common strategy is the centralisation of legislative power in the hands of citizenry-electorates as a dominant govoxical group, which can then use its power to promote and enforce a particular ethnocultural identity. This may involve the suppression of dissent or opposition from minority opinions or against government policy proposals, and may even enforce into law an ethnic language like Swahili as an official African language as the basis for national unity and identity.

In some cases, the promotion of ethnopublic nationalism by the citizenry-electorates may involve the rewriting of history or the re-imagining of national myths and symbols to promote a particular ethnocultural identity. This can be seen in the way that some countries have rewritten their national narratives to downplay the role of minority groups or to promote a desirable vision of national identity.

It is worth noting that, unlike other ethnopublic nationalism based on ethnocultural identity as the basis for national unity and identity, the promotion of ethnopublic nationalism in Africa should not be expected to have significant negative consequences for human rights and populocratic governance against any minority group in any setting.

When national identity and unity are defined in economic terms, such other terms as ethnicity, race, religion or cultural practices are by law regulated from imposing rules to marginalise or discriminate against other groups, leading to diversity, respect, and tolerance within society. The centralisation of State judicial power in the hands of the StateLords who are also the head-of-states of United Africa leads to the protection of the minority in any setting and strengthens populocratic governance for everyone in this context with no exception.

In order to promote inclusive and populocratic forms of ethnopublic nationalism, citizenry-electorates who are the State policymakers and government-centred Commicratic-Departments who are the permanent advisory bodies for the government are both civil society actors who must work to promote respect for diversity and human rights and to promote inclusive narratives of national identity that are based on shared govoxical values and institutions rather than on ethnicity, religion, race or culture. This requires a sustained effort by independent Advisory-bodies across regional communities to promote dialogue and reconciliation across different groups and to promote inclusive policies and institutions that reflect the needs and interests of all members of society.

Furthermore, it is important to promote education and awareness about the benefits of diversity and pluralism and to combat discrimination and prejudice in all its forms. This requires a commitment to promoting equality and justice for all members of society, regardless of their ethnicity, religion, race or culture.

In addition, there are several concrete steps that can be taken to promote an inclusive and populocratic form of ethnopublic nationalism. These include:

1. Promoting minority rights and representation in govoxical institutions, such as through the use of quotas or affirmative action policies.
2. Protecting minority languages and cultures, and promoting their use in education and public life.
3. Encouraging the development of civil society organisations that represent minority groups, and promoting their contribution to express their views and opinions in governmental Commicratic-Departments’ decision-making processes that elected-representatives would rely upon to propose policy Information-delivery to each of their constituents for voters’ selection of government policy.
4. Ensuring that State institutions reflect the diversity of the population, and promoting the inclusion of minority groups at all levels of government.
5. Promoting intercultural dialogue and exchange, and fostering understanding and cooperation between different groups.

Ultimately, the transition from republic nationalism to ethnopublic nationalism reflects the evolving nature of nationalism as a govoxical and social development of the digital age. While this shift can have negative consequences for human rights and populocratic governance under ethnocultural identity as the basis for unity and national identity, there are steps that must be taken to promote inclusive and populocratic forms of ethnopublic nationalism that are respectful of diversity and human rights under economic identity as the basis for unity and national identity.

By promoting dialogue, understanding, and cooperation across different groups, and by working to ensure that all members of society are able to participate fully in govoxical and social life, United Africa will build a more inclusive and populocratic society that reflects the needs and interests of all members of African society anywhere.

It is also important to recognise that the transition from republic nationalism to ethnopublic nationalism is not basic, but rather an advanced form of nationalism structure. In some cases, some societies have tried and failed in this area due to the incompatible nature of the era in which they proposed to structure their ethnopublic nationalism, and thus they were seen to reverse this trend and return to more democratic forms of republican nationalism.

For example, some countries have undergone a process of “decentralisation” in which State power has been devolved from central authorities to regional or local governments, giving minority groups greater voice and representation in decision-making processes on the one hand, while at the same time remain unable to proportionally share power between the branches of government thus failed to strengthen the checks and balances that are required to be put in place to prevent abuses of power in the affairs of government. In other cases, civil society organisations have been able to mobilise public opinion in favour of greater respect for diversity and human rights, leading to changes in policy and practice.

Ultimately, the transition from republic nationalism to ethnopublic nationalism requires greater cooperation that will shape the variety of the future shared historical, social, and govoxical factors of the diverse groups, be it ethnicity, religion, or culture. While this shift can have negative consequences for human rights under democratic governance, these are steps that must be taken to promote more inclusive and strengthened human rights under populocratic forms of ethnopublic nationalism that will reflect the needs and interests of all members of society equally.

By promoting respect for diversity and human rights, and by fostering dialogue and cooperation across different groups, United African States will build a more inclusive and populocratic society that is better able to address the challenges of our 21^st century socialism.

CHAPTER THREE

NATIONAL ECONOMY OF ETHNO-CORPORATISM

Ethnocorporatism is a socialist non-monetary economic system in which products and services are distributed according to need, rather than according to the ability to pay. In such an economy, the corporatist state becomes the central planning authority that owns and controls the means of production and distribution, to achieve social and economic equality for all members of society.

In an ethnocorporatist society, there is no money or currency used as a medium of exchange. Instead, products and services are distributed based on a system of government-backed economic entitlement-chip, which are earned by individuals through their entitlement and contribution to society at different age-group. This is to say that the pre-working age group would qualify through each of their qualified entitlement as a citizen of Africa, the working-age group would qualify solely through their economic contribution to the African economy, and the pension-age group would qualify through a combination of each of their entitlement as citizens and past contribution to the national economy. This contribution is in the form of work or labour, or through other forms of social participation, such as volunteering or education, with full welfare provision for the disabled, incapacitated and gendered women that fall into specific criteria.

One of the key advantages of ethno-corporatism is that it eliminates the problems associated with the unequal distribution of wealth and resources in society. Under a capitalist system, those who have more money and resources have greater access to goods and services, leading to widespread inequality and poverty. In an ethno-corporatism economy, everyone has access to the products and services they need to live a comfortable life, regardless of their occupation or social status.

Another advantage of an ethno-corporatist economy is that it places a greater emphasis on social and community values, rather than on firms’ drive for profit and self-interest. Because the means of economic production and distribution are owned and controlled by the State and regulated through a central planning government authorities within the proposed Administrative-division of government where the secretariat, economy and citizenry branches of government occupy, secretariat government decisions about raw material resource sourcing are made based on the needs of each regional communities in society as a whole, rather than on the needs of individual corporations or industrial firms as we are currently experiencing in society everywhere.

However, there are also advantages to an ethno-corporatist non-monetary economy. One is the provision of incentives to discount the statutory time one can be pensioned by some year(s) for individuals to work hard or innovate. Since there is no promise of financial rewards, individuals are motivated through the provision of incentives such as State-sponsored foreign holidays, bigger apartments, household caregivers, advanced way of living and so much more, in encouraging individuals to put in the extra effort required to excel in their field or to develop new technologies or ideas. This is designed to lead to a deliberate activity of progress and innovation in the economy.

Additionally, there is a high prognosis of efficiency in an ethno-corporatist centrally command-economy, as decisions about raw material resource sourcing are made by the secretariat-branch of government and decisions about the allocation of goods and services are made by the citizenry-electorates who are also the trade forces of demand of economic provision and its production. This is designed to lead to the precise use of resources from sourcing to production to consumption, resulting in proportionate or sufficient production and consumption of products and services.

When decisions about the allocation of goods and services are made by the trade forces of demand and provision in a non-monetary economy without a market of any kind, the resulting economy I referred to as a trade-economy. Whereas, a capitalist economy operates a market-economy where products are produced in excess supply directed to source consumer demands for the produced products and services. The ethno-corporatist economy operates a trade-economy without a market where consumer demand is expected to initiate the direct production of products and services to meet its specific demand.

Therefore, while the market-economy culminates in the wastage of economic resources and aggregations of expiry products from warehouses, restaurants and supermarkets shelves to landfills, the trade-economy culminates in proportionate and sufficient use of economic resources with little or no wastage of products or excess availability of service that is not needed.

In an ethno-corporatist trade-economy, citizenry-electorates in each region make decisions about what national industrial firms to produce and make available in each of their regions in an elective-process through their daily voters’ selection of government policy, how much to produce, and at what quality of products and services, and with what ingredients whether they want a western imposed GMO seeds for their food farming in production or organic. This decentralised decision-making process allows the trade to allocate the direct production of goods and services to their most productive uses and ensure that products and services are produced in the quantities and at the quality that consumers are willing to consume without wastage.

Capitalist market economies are characterised by the pricing mechanism, where prices reflect the interaction of demand and supply in the market. When the demand for a product or service increases, its price tends to rise, which signals to producers that they should increase production to meet the demand. As more producers enter the market, competition among them drives prices down to a level where only the most efficient producers can continue to operate profitably. As such, capitalism creates unnecessary stress in the economy and forces the supply of goods and services in places where demand is not needed.

In a market-economy, producers are incentivised to be efficient in their production processes to keep costs low and prices competitive. In theory, this should lead to a continuous drive towards innovation and efficiency, as firms seek to improve their production processes and offer better products and services to consumers. In practice, the drive to keep prices low encourage producers to employ dubious means with the use of harmful chemicals that are far cheaper than safer ones in their production processes and offer harmful products and services to consumers leading to a whole lot of health issues that put excessive workloads on the medical services everywhere around the world.

Therefore, an ethno-corporatist trade-economy is designed to lead to the precise allocation of material resources for production to the Economy-branch of government by the Secretariat-branch of government, resulting in proportionate or sufficient production of products and services to meet its direct demand. The decentralised decision-making process and quality mechanism over the production of products and services to the citizenry-electorates also provide incentives for efficiency and innovation to individual industrial workers to ensure that resources are allocated efficiently and productively in an ethno-corporatist economy.

The national economy of ethno-corporatism is a centrally command-economy that decentralised to the citizenry-electorates the decision-making over the allocation of production of products and services to consumers. The command-economy is characterised by decisions about raw material resource sourcing being made by the secretariat-branch of government, while the central authority of the citizenry-branch of government is characterised by decisions about trade forces over the allocation of economic supply of provision of products and services to meet its direct demand.

In a centrally command-economy, the citizenry government department sets production targets and where products and services should be allocated, the secretariat government department determines how resources are sourced and where raw material resources should be allocated for production, the economy government department decides how material resources are made into production and how to logistically made them available to meet their direct demand including their shelf life.

By so doing, each government department has a clear narrow duty in a centrally command-economy for efficient use of resources. Without a clear narrow duty between the branches of government, a centrally planned economy often suffers from a lack of information and incentives for producers to innovate and improve efficiency. Without the feedback mechanism of consumer demand for specific products and services, it can be difficult for the central planners to know how much resources need sourcing and at what rate, how much of each product to produce and at what quality.

Furthermore, centrally planned economies have been criticised for lacking flexibility and being slow to respond to changes in demand or supply. This is because decisions about production and allocation of resources are made by a centralised bureaucracy, which may be less responsive to changes than a decentralised trade system with decentralised commicracy.

In an ethno-corporatist society, when a regional-community demand for products or services, the filling regional-Commission through the relevant citizenry government department immediately submits the demand for its provision to the relevant secretariat government department and at the same time submits a request to be provided with a time-frame within 48-hours for when the products or services will be available to consumers within its region. The applicable secretariat government department submits to the admissible economic industries a request to be provided with a time-frame within 24-hours when a product or service will be available to consumers in a certain region and if provided with all the raw materials it would need in time.

In such administrative commicracy, the response of time-frame from the economic industry would add to the amount of time it would take for the secretariat-department to source raw materials, and that would relay back to the filling regional-Commissioner office immediately. This is to demonstrate flexibility and fast response to changes in demand and supply for provisions. The decisions about production and allocation of resources are made by a decentralised commicracy, which is designed to be more responsive to changes in an ethno-corporatist economy.

Therefore, while a central command-economy can theoretically lead to efficient allocation of resources from demand to production and to supply, in practice, it can fall short due to a lack of staff to deal with requests within a few hours as they arrive, lack of information to reach the appropriate departments in time, lack of incentives to industrial workers, lack of flexibility of working hours for staffs to serve as part of workers’ incentives where requests could be picked up at any hour within the day and passed through email to relevant filling departments, and lack of an organised industrial economic actors having different focuses and each with its central staff with the relevant skills capable of taking on production within their remits.

Additionally, the ethno-corporatist trade-economy provides individuals with the freedom to make choices and pursue their self-interest, which can lead to greater economic growth and prosperity. When a collective of people is free to make their own decisions about what the government should produce, what they consume within their region, and what the government should invest the State resources in, they are more likely to make choices that maximise their well-being. This, in turn, can lead to greater economic growth and prosperity as individuals and firms are free to innovate, invest in cultivating the type of resources that improves their well-being and not in pursuit of monetary profit, and thus create new products and services.

Ethno-corporatist trade-economy also has the advantage of being able to adapt quickly to changes in demand and supply for provision. When there is a sudden increase in demand for a particular product or service, the feedback mechanism allows producers to quickly respond by shaping the quality of products. Similarly, when there is a sudden decrease in demand, producers can quickly adjust their production levels to avoid overproduction and wasted resources.

While ethno-corporatist trade-economy are generally efficient at managing resources and meeting consumer demands, they are not without their challenges. For example, trade failures can occur when the central planners such as the secretariat fail to source the right material resource or when the economist failed to allocate resources during production efficiently, such as in the case of negative externalities (such as pollution) or public goods (such as national defence) that are not easily provided by the trade.

Nevertheless, given that the African continent is the richest in the world in terms of natural resources, the proposed ethno-corporatist trade-economy provides a high prognosis of efficiency in allocating resources and creating national wealth for the United African States’ economy. The decentralised decision-making process, consumer direct feedback mechanism, and incentives for efficiency and innovation all work together to ensure that resources are proportionally managed and allocated efficiently and productively in the united African ethno-corporatist trade-economy.

While there are challenges and limitations to trade economies in general, it remains one of the most effective ways of creating prosperity and improving living standards for individuals and societies in a non-monetary economy, without the need for a market or to encourage greed and pursuit of monetary profits which leads to a whole lot of undesirable and life-limiting challenges in human-society.

As such, an ethno-corporatist non-monetary economy has both advantages and disadvantages. While it offers the potential for greater social and economic equality, it also presents challenges in terms of motivation and efficiency. Ultimately, the success of an ethno-corporatist economy depends on the ability of its citizenry-electorates who are responsible for making the rules and regulations that govern its process from demand to supply to prescribe laws that make its planners and administrative workers individually accountable to make informed and effective decisions about resource sourcing and efficient allocation and also provides rules around incentives to creating systems that encourage innovation and hard work among industrial workers.

To further explore the potential advantages and challenges of an ethno-corporatist non-monetary economy, it is useful to consider how such an economy might function in practice.

One possible approach to implementing an ethno-corporatist non-monetary economy is through a system of resource-based planning. This approach involves assessing the needs of each regional-community and the available resources and then making decisions about the allocation of industries with specific manufacturing groups having particular focuses on having the raw material resources required for their production within or close to each of their region. This means that production and distribution based on these factors are bound to be efficient. The goal is to ensure that all members of society have access to the products and services they need, while also minimising waste and inefficiency.

Under a resource-based planning system, individuals would earn credits or points on their government-issued entitlement-chip based on their contribution to society or qualification for State welfare. This contribution would be in the form of work or labour, as well as other forms of social participation, and qualification for welfare would be in the form of State responsibility to the disabled, the incapacitated and nursing mothers.

For example, while free basic necessities such as healthcare, food and toiletries, housing and clothing, would be provided to all persons regardless of status, someone who engages in work activities would earn credits on their entitlement-chip that could be exchanged for foreign travel for any purpose, bigger housing and fanciful living, vehicles of any kind, high range of clothing, dedicated household caregivers, access to fresh foods and catered-for eateries, and more.

One potential advantage of this approach is that it places a greater emphasis on community values and socio-economic participation. Rewarding individuals for their contribution to society, rather than their ability to accumulate wealth, is designed to encourage a more cooperative and collaborative culture.

However, there are also potential challenges associated with this approach relative to effective governance. For example, it could be difficult to accurately assess the contribution of workers from certain economic sectors to society with the penchant to create ghost workers – able-bodied individuals who are in theory in work but are not in any productive activity in practice, particularly in cases where the value of their economic contribution is less tangible or difficult to quantify. This could lead the regulatory government authority to raise proposals for rules and regulations for some individuals to participate in socio-economic programs in a certain order, or to resolve disputes over the award of credits on their entitlement-chip.

Another potential challenge is that a resource-based planning system could be vulnerable to corruption or abuse. In the absence of citizenry trade forces to demand the supply of provisions that are traditionally designed to guide resource allocation and distribution nationally, there is a risk that decisions could be made by a minority of regional trading-stockist based on personal or criminal interests to smuggle the supply of economic goods out of the country illegally rather than the needs of African society as a whole.

Nevertheless, the proposed ethno-corporatist non-monetary economy for United African States (UAS) represents a unique and powerful approach to organising the united African society into economic corporational groups subordinate to the State. By prioritising social and community values over individual profit or accumulation of personal wealth that serves absolutely no purpose to the individual selves after death, it is designed to help to address many of the challenges associated with traditional capitalist systems handed to us in Africa from western colonial rule.

However, it also presents significant challenges in terms of motivation, efficiency, effective resource sourcing, allocation of industries and production. As such, careful planning and administration would be required to implement certitude at the beginning of the transition program to ensure that a united African ethno-corporatist economy is effective and sustainable in practice.

Transition from Monetary to Non-Monetary Economic System

Transitioning from a monetary-economy to a non-monetary economy in uniting the divided African continent into a single national body would require a coordinated effort between the African nations and the African diaspora operating as independent nations to unite with their HomeLand. While this transition is novel it may appear challenging to some people to comprehend at the beginning of the transition.

As such, I provide some steps that I proposed to be taken to facilitate a successful transition program. This would require significant changes to the structure and functioning of African society as a whole.

1. Education and Awareness: A key component of any transition program would be to educate the public about the benefits of a socialist non-monetary economy and the challenges associated with the transition process. This would involve providing information about how the new system would work, as well as addressing common concerns and misconceptions.

In the case of uniting the African nations, I proposed that a government-backed entitlement-chip be issued to all persons as part of the education and awareness of the benefit of a socialist non-monetary economy. The entitlement-chip would incorporate and store individual national identity, bank card information, driver-licence, birth certificates, passports, educational certifications, marital information, passport photo ID, and more.

2. Establishing a Planning Authority: To facilitate the transition, it would be necessary to establish a central Transition-Committee with a timetable of the process stage-by-stage to take up the planning authority that would be responsible for managing the transition process and overseeing the development of the new economy. This authority would need to be staffed with experts in economics, planning, and related fields, and would need to be given sufficient resources and autonomy to effectively manage the transition and complete it within a set-time.

In the case of uniting the African nations, I proposed a 3-year transition period.

3. Establishing Resource-Based Planning: To facilitate the transition to a non-monetary economy, it would be necessary to shift from a market-based economy to a resource-based planning system. This would involve assessing the needs of society and the available resources and then making decisions about the allocation of industries, production and distribution based on these factors.

In the case of uniting the African nations, the desk feasibility study position the northern African region as the perfect location to position the national power-grid for delivering electricity across Africa including the perfect location for the proposed Redeem-Institution for rehabilitation of criminally convicted people; eastern and western Africa region as the natural resource hub where most things we make and consume are cultivated from intermediate goods to finished products, and the perfect location for the allocation of most manufacturing industrial headquarters, as there are resources found in the earth among reserves around this regions year-on-year yet to be extracted; and southern Africa region as the perfect location for tourism, commerce, smart cities and more.

4. Establishing Economy governmental departments: To facilitate a smooth transition to a non-monetary economy, it would be necessary to establish the economic governmental departments that would operate under the proposed Economy-branch of government and be responsible for managing the means of production and distribution.

In the case of uniting the African nations, I proposed for the economy departments would be owned and controlled by the United African States, and would be designed to operate according to populocratic principles.

5. Implementing Universal Basic Services: To ensure that everyone has access to basic products and services, it would be necessary to implement universal basic services. These services would include things like healthcare, education, housing, and food, and would be provided free of charge to all members of society.

In the case of uniting the African nations, I proposed the gradual establishment of free basic necessities be completed and rolled out within the 3-year transition period and people can access it directly on an individual basis within their regions in any service supermarkets and shops through their government-issued entitlement-chip card, where free basic necessities such as food and toiletries to be provided to all persons regardless of status, where national government can employed professional paid caterers across regions to provide daily free food services to people with an entitlement-chip within their region, and people are encouraged to earn money during the transition period to be able to afford their individual foreign travel for any purpose, housing and clothing, healthcare, and more.

6. National Merger: A key aspect of transitioning to a non-monetary economy in uniting the African nations would be to coordinate all national government authorities under the direct authority of the central Transition-Committee. This would involve establishing networks of regional authorities to transition them into the new regional-Commissions in every region across nations, in order to adequately allocate and share resources and expertise.

7. Gradual Transition: To minimise disruption and ensure a smooth transition, it may be necessary to implement the new system gradually, rather than all at once. This would involve implementing the new system in stages, and gradually phasing out the old system over time.

In making allowance for a gradual transition, as a contingency plan to deal with any delay that may be associated with anomalies as they arise, I proposed the 3-year transition period as the minimum and a maximum period set for 5-year.

8. Encouraging Local Production: As part of the transition program, it would be important to encourage local production of goods and services to ensure self-sufficiency and reduce reliance on imports.

In the case of uniting the African nations, I proposed for the Transition-Committee to directly invest in local industries and move them into becoming dependent on the established government economic departments to provide them with all the raw materials and human resources they need for their production, providing training and support for small businesses and establishing cooperatives across regions to fill the gaps in areas where economic services are lacking, and transitioning local trades into the proposed government Corporatist Service Provision (CSP).

This involves the proposed Master-Franchise agreements between the State-government and citizenry trade owners would allow the government to be responsible for the salary payment of their workers during the transition period. Workers, whom, I propose, will have the mandatory entitlement to the proposed government Corporatist Service Provision (CSP) incorporated into each of their existing entitlement-chip cards designed for the moneyless trade-off of economic products and services, but will start-off as a monetary card system for money transactions to receive and pay for products and services during the transition period.

9. Reducing Inequality: A non-monetary economy has the potential to reduce economic inequality by ensuring that everyone has access to basic products and services, and by instituting citizenry direct populocratic control of the means of production.

In the case of uniting the African nations, I proposed for the transition program would need to go beyond the free provision of food and toiletries to gradually include measures to redistribute wealth and resources such as free housing and free healthcare, etc, more equitably to people by age, starting with increasing free provision of basic necessities to older people above age-65 and nursing mothers of children below the prescribed working-age group for example, and to ensure that those who fall within the voting-age group has an equal say in government policy decision-making through the proposed daily digital elective-processes after the transition period.

10. Environmental Sustainability: Finally, a non-monetary economy would need to be designed with environmental sustainability in mind. This would involve promoting renewable energy, reducing waste and pollution, and adopting sustainable agricultural practices. By prioritising sustainability, the new system would be better equipped to meet the needs of present and future generations.

Therefore, transitioning from a monetary economy to a non-monetary economy in uniting the African nations would be a significant undertaking that would require extensive planning, coordination, and cooperation. However, with careful planning and effective management in implementing the measures outlined above, it is possible to create a more just, equitable, sustainable society for the benefit of the African people everywhere, in which everyone has access to the products and services they need to live a comfortable and fulfilling life. By working together as a united Africa, African nations can overcome the challenges of underdevelopment and scarce economic resource that plague us as a collective and build a brighter future for our African people everywhere.

A non-monetary trade-economy is one where goods and services are exchanged without the use of money. Instead, people trade items or services in exchange for a government-backed entitlement-chip card that directly allows for the free provision to themselves of other items or services they need.

As long as you are in service of economic activities anywhere within the United African States or qualified for State welfare due to disability, old age or nursing mother, and have the government issued entitlement-chip card, you would have access to anything of economic value available to have – such as a vehicle, high-range clothing, free healthcare, free foods and access to catered eateries, fancy housing, State-sponsored foreign travel for any purposes, and more.

This type of economy was common in prehistoric times such as in rural communities that rely on barter and existed across the indigenous ancient African communities of almost 10,000 kingdoms in different variations but in the same format on a small-scale micro-level cooperative economy, before colonialism. This type of economy proposed in this manifesto is a corporatist large-scale macro-level economy version of the ancient African cooperative economic system.

The western colonial system imposed upon the African people merged all the kingdoms of different ethnic groups and tribes into nations and derailed completely their African cooperative economic system in practice since ancient times. The colonial-imposed capitalist monetary market-economy is one where goods and services are exchanged using money as a medium of exchange. In this type of economy, people use the money to buy products and services, and sellers use the money they receive to buy other products and services they need.

With the use of money, everything and anything must be monetised to maintain the value of money and allow it to operate efficiently and effectively in society. Nothing can be made free to those identified as having fallen into a disadvantage based on their biological age and life circumstances that create the disadvantage on an individual basis, such as older people above age-65, the disabled, and nursing mothers, not even basic necessities such as free foods, free housing or free healthcare is primarily made free for them in a monetary-economy in Africa where non-monetary economy historically thrives successfully in our indigenous African-socialism, before colonialism.

Here I provide a table summarising the differences between the non-monetary trade-economy and the monetary market-economy:

Non-Monetary Trade-Economy	Monetary Market-Economy
Goods and services are exchanged without the use of money	Goods and services are exchanged using money
Bartering is the main method of trade in a small-scale cooperative economy, and government-back entitlement-chip is the main method of trade in a large-scale corporatist economy	Competitive value is the main method of trade in a small-scale feudalism and mercantilism economy and originates when stamped coins were first used to pay armies by the Mesopotamian people creation of shekel between 650 to 600-BC, and government-backed fiat currency money is the main method of trade in a large-scale capitalist economy
Direct exchange of goods and services by barter, or representative-exchange of products and services by a trade-off	Indirect-exchange of goods and services through money
A non-competitive valued specialisation of labour	A competitively valued specialisation of labour
Simplified and uniform economic systems	Complex and fluctuating economic systems
Products and services are valued based on their actual quantitative intrinsic worth in trade	Products and services are valued based on their perceived qualitative worth in the market
Resourced-based on Negflation and Posflation, thus resistance to Inflation and Deflation	Market-based on Inflation and Deflation, thus resistance to Negflation and Posflation
Risk-averse and thus less economic instability	Risk-tolerance and thus prone to economic instability
More efficient on the basis of its levelled valueless entitlement-chip as a medium of representative-exchange of products and services	Less efficient on the basis of its use of uneven values of money as a medium of indirect-exchange for products and services
Exchange is determined by the availability of resources for trade and qualification of entitlement-chip predetermined an equitable distribution of resources and lead to the certainty of trade success	Exchange is determined by both availability of resources for trade and affordability from a free-market price mechanism does NOT ensure an equitable distribution of resources and can lead to market failure
Relies more on trust and social relationships than legal and regulatory frameworks	Relies only on legal and regulatory frameworks, and lacks trust and social relationships
Less susceptible to both national trade and global market fluctuations	Susceptible to both the national market and global market fluctuations
Do not require access to credit and financing	Dependent on access to credit and financing
Optional to international trade and pride on a self-sufficiency subsistence economy	Required to facilitate international trade and pride in the accumulation of capital wealth economy
Possess the ability to accumulate material resources as wealth	Possess the ability to accumulate capital as wealth

The main difference between the two types of economies is the use of money as a medium of exchange. In the proposed ethno-corporatist non-monetary trade-economy, people rely on government-backed entitlement-chip as a universal medium of representative-exchange of products and services, whereas in a monetary market-economy, government-backed fiat currency money is used as a universal medium of indirect-exchange.

Non-monetary trade economies have advantages over monetary market economies, as moneyless trade-offs allow simplified and uniformed economic systems than the monetary creation of more complex and fluctuating economic systems. While money allows people to exchange goods and services more efficiently, the value-laden of money keeps all people under immense competitive pressure to engage in economic work activities to earn enough money to afford the basic necessities they need. Non-monetary entitlement-chip allows people to easily access the basic necessities of products and services they need, with added greater incentives to access all economic products and services when they engage in economic work activities.

The transition from monetary to non-monetary economic systems is suited to the United African States because monetary market economies, such as the worsening condition of inflation and economic instability, have been designed to keep African nations on a permanent development of underdevelopment that plague all African people collectively.

In a non-monetary trade-economy, products and services are exchanged based on their actual quantitative intrinsic value and not affected by supply or demand, whereas, in a monetary market-economy, the value of products and services is based on their perceived qualitative worth in the market which can fluctuate based on supply and demand.

Therefore, since the ancient African culture is predominantly collective culture that allows for a successful cooperative economic system where, as Edward Blyden (1832-1912) when he referred to the historical social life of African society and said that, in Africa ‘all work for each, and each work for all’ as the socio-culture of what he referred to as ‘what is mine goes; what is ours abides” – that defined the practice of collectivism in its purest form and the cooperative economic custom’ practices of the indigenous ancient African people in practice up until the 1880s when the western powers began to impose colonialism upon the African people.

The European nations took over African lands and coveted our natural resources to drive their capitalist economic system. They merged all the thousands of self-sufficient subsistence African kingdoms into nations and established their colonies upon each of them. Pan-Africanism rise as a result, with one united voice of the African people and with the support of the international community, the period of decolonisation that began around 1914 forced the European colonial powers to begin to relinquish their direct colonial control of all African nations. After the Independence of all African nations from European colonial rule, the economic relationship of the divided African nations trapped each African nation in a protégé economic relation with exported oriented of African natural resources to benefit the western nations and kept African people economically poor.

My advocacy to revive the African system back to its ancient African-socialism would mean that the ingrained African collectivist culture is best suited to rely more on trust and social relationships to drive the non-monetary economic relations in addition to the corporatist legal and regulatory frameworks proposed in this manifesto. It is precisely in my recognition of this fundamental advantage that we African people have above others that I believe that the challenges of transitioning also present us with greater opportunity to create a new African world, a world that is fairer, more just, and more sustainable than the one we have today.

To achieve this, we must embrace the values that unite us: compassion, cooperation, and a commitment to the common good. We must reject the narrow republican nationalism and capitalist greed for money and selfishness for power in government that have driven us apart and instead work together to solve the problems that affect us all. We must invest in free education and innovation, to ensure that every citizen has the opportunity to reach their full potential, and to create the technologies and solutions we need to address the pressing issues of our time. We must protect our African continent, and work to reverse the damage that has been done to our environment with GMO seeds and more.

We must also stand up for human rights, equality, and justice, and ensure that everyone is treated with dignity and respect, regardless of their background or circumstances. We must work to eradicate poverty and promote economic development so that every person can live a life of meaning and purpose. This is not an easy task, and it will require sacrifices and difficult choices. But I am confident that we have the strength, courage, and wisdom to overcome these challenges, and to build a world that is more peaceful, more prosperous, and more just.

Resource Utilisation As Constitutional Alternative Currencies

Resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies refers to the concept of using resources, such as land, labour, natural resources, and other goods and services, as a means of exchange instead of traditional fiat currencies. This approach to economic exchange is the primary ethno-corporatist way to address economic inequality, environmental degradation, and other social issues.

At its core, resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies is based on the idea that resources are a more stable and sustainable form of value than a traditional currency, which is often subject to inflation and other economic pressures. By creating a system of exchange based on the intrinsic value of resources, it is believed that United Africa can better meet their needs and build a more equitable and sustainable ethno-corporatist economy.

One way that resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies is proposed to be implemented in the proposed United African States is through the use of a government-backed Corporatist Service Provision (CSP) economic card, designed to promote local regional economic development in building the entire national economy from the bottom-up.

The CSP economic card is typically backed to be provisioned to individual economic traders under the proposed government Master Franchise Scheme by these three primary groups of resources, land, labour and material resources, and can only be used within a particular community or region. This area of the national economy is designed to be regulated by the secretariat-ministry of Labour & Industry. By creating a national CSP economic card, the Economy-branch of government can keep African resources within the national economy, reduce any reliance on external sources, and promote national economic growth.

Another way that resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies is proposed to be implemented is through the creation of time-insurance, which allows individuals to exchange their occupational time and skills for any products and services they need to live a comfortable life nationally, regardless of their occupation or social status. In a time-insurance, the labour regulatory department at the secretariat-ministry of Labour & Industry is responsible for calculating the daily records of labour service of individuals throughout their working life and submits an annual statement balance to the secretariat-ministry of National Insurance & Multinational Finance.

The supervisory Personnel-department of a company will be required to submit each employee’s Annual-Statement of Service (ASS) report to the secretariat-ministry of Labour & Industry’s regulatory office and is responsible for awarding rewards and penalties against individuals following reports of misconduct or breach in their daily economic activities on their ASS-report.

Each employee in a commicratic mode of organisation is responsible for each of their work-output and must be prepared to justify each of their actions on their supervisory ASS-report to the regulatory-authority of the secretariat-ministry of Labour & Industry under their CSP regulation. Government commicrats can hold any employee of any company accountable with the power to issue a penalty to a term in Redeem-service in extreme cases, and in other cases, it will primarily be a deduction in their working hours that would reflect on their annual statement balance that determines the award of provision on their next year entitlement-chip. Every worker will possess this moral understanding to must feel accountable to the commissioning-rule that governs each of their job roles.

Annual statement balance is the total due loaded on an individual entitlement-chip by the secretariat-ministry of National Insurance & Multinational Finance, after the secretariat-ministry of Labour & Industry has added up all accrued hours on each individual’s Annual-Statement of Service (ASS) report against each of their contract of service. The credits and debits of the total hours’ individual workers put in on their labour service during a charging cycle, minus any award of penalty or addition of bonus credit, would be issued on an individual basis. It’s generated on the last day—closing date—of the national charging cycle – proposed for the 15th of December of each year.

Regardless of the type of service being provided, this allows individuals to exchange their skills and labour for other economic products and services nationally without the need for money currency as a medium of exchange. The use of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies has the potential to address a number of social issues, such as economic inequality, environmental degradation, and the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few. By creating a system of exchange based on resources, the African national economy can reduce the impact of economic shocks, build resilience, and promote more sustainable economic practices.

However, there are also some challenges associated with resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies. One of the primary challenges is the need to ensure the availability of resources is accurately provisioned and fairly distributed. This requires prescribed citizenry rules to shape the governance system of the secretariat-ministry of HomeLand Affairs that would be required to publish the summary of all secretariats’ activities in its monthly reports.

The secretary-of-state would be responsible for closely monitoring each secretariat’s performance and progress in each region – and ensuring their transparency, populocratic, and be able to be accountable to each office of the StateLord within the unity. The office of StateLord in each State must be provided with a monthly overview of secretariats’ key implementation statistics, information about national resource capacity and global financial position and an annual review of the performance of critical industrial units.

Another challenge is the need to ensure that the use of resource utilisation does not create additional economic barriers or disadvantages for regional-communities. This requires a focus on creating a system that is inclusive and accessible nationally among regional-communities in proportion to each of their population.

Therefore, resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies is a promising approach to economic exchange that has the potential to address a number of social issues. By creating a system of exchange based on resources, communities can promote economic growth, reduce reliance on external sources of capital, and build resilience. However, there are also challenges associated with this approach, including the need for transparent governance and ensuring accessibility for all members of the community. Overall, the use of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies represents a positive step towards building a more equitable and sustainable economy.

In addition to the challenges mentioned, there are also some potential benefits of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies that are worth exploring. One such benefit is the potential for the use of resources to encourage more sustainable economic practices. By tying the value of the CSP economic card to the value of resources, individuals may be more incentivised to use those resources in a more sustainable and responsible way.

For example, a company’s CSP annual value backed by renewable energy may be more likely to invest in renewable energy sources and reduce their reliance on fossil fuels which allows for the investment of each of their annual CSP value allowance in other areas in their trading operation.

Another benefit of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies is the potential to use the availability of resources to promote more localised economic development. By using CSP economic card that is only accepted nationally, regional-communities may be more likely to support local economic establishments and keep resources constantly available within their local economy. This can help to create a subsistence economy within the local economy and be the resource port on which other regions rely for their products and services.

As such, resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies has the potential to reduce economic inequality. By creating a national system of exchange based on resources, United African States may be able to reduce the power and influence of global financial institutions, which have been shown to exacerbate economic inequality between the African economy within the global market economy.

Additionally, by allowing citizens to exchange their skills and labour for products and services nationally, the use of economic resources would be accessible to individual corporations and traders nationally without requiring access to funding from foreign financial institutions.

The use of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies is a promising approach to economic exchange that has the potential to address a number of social issues. While there are certainly challenges associated with this approach, there are also significant benefits that make it worth exploring further. By creating more sustainable, localised, and equitable economic systems, the African economy may be able to build more resilient and prosperous societies for all.

Resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies could benefit the United African States in a non-monetary economy by promoting more sustainable, equitable, and localised economic practices. By using resources as a means of exchange, United African States would reduce its dependence on International Monetary Fund (IMF) financial institutions and create a more populocratic and inclusive economic system.

One potential benefit of using resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies in the United African States is the promotion of sustainable economic practices. African States are rich in natural resources, such as minerals, timber, and renewable energy sources. By using these resources as a means of exchange, United African States could incentivise the development and use of sustainable economic practices that prioritise the preservation and responsible use of natural resources.

Another potential benefit of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies in the United African States is the promotion of localised economic development. Many African nations have struggled with economic inequality and a lack of access to global financial institutions. By creating national CSP cards that are tied to specific resources, United African States could promote economic growth and subsistence economic creation at the local level, while also reducing national reliance on foreign sources of capital.

Furthermore, resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies could promote greater economic equity and inclusion. In many African nations, traditional financial institutions have concentrated wealth and power in the hands of a few, while leaving many others marginalised and excluded. By using resources as a means of exchange, United African States could create a more populocratic and equitable economic system that is accessible to all members of society.

As such, resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies could benefit the United African States in a non-monetary economy by promoting more sustainable economic practices, supporting localised economic development, and creating greater economic equity and inclusion. By building a more resilient and equitable economic system, United African States could help to promote greater prosperity and well-being for all their citizens.

The use of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies in the United African States would reduce the power of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on the African national economy. This is because the IMF has historically exerted significant influence on the divided African nations through its control of financial resources and its imposition of economic policies and conditions on countries seeking its assistance.

By using resource-based currencies, United African States could reduce their dependence on external sources of capital and develop more localized and sustainable economic systems. This could help to mitigate the influence of the IMF, which has often pushed for economic policies that prioritize the interests of global financial institutions over the needs of local communities.

Furthermore, the use of resource-based currencies could enable African nations to develop their own economic systems and priorities, rather than being forced to adopt policies that are dictated by external organizations like the IMF. This could help to promote greater economic self-determination and independence, while also supporting the development of more sustainable and equitable economic systems.

However, it is important to note that the IMF and other international financial institutions are deeply entrenched in the global economic system, and reducing their influence on African nations will require significant structural and systemic changes. The use of resource-based currencies is just one potential approach to promoting more equitable and sustainable economic systems in Africa, and it may need to be combined with other strategies and policies to achieve meaningful change.

Additionally, the IMF has historically exerted significant influence over the economic policies of African nations through its loan conditions and other forms of financial support. In many cases, these conditions have required African nations to implement austerity measures, privatise public assets, and deregulate their economies, often at the expense of social welfare programs and other public goods.

By using resource-based CSP value, United African States would reduce its reliance on external financing and avoid the conditions that are often attached to loans and other forms of financial assistance from the IMF. This would help to promote a collective and locally-driven economic development across Africa, while also remove completely the influence of external actors and independent corporations on the divided African nations by sponsoring civil wars so they could have direct access to African natural resources at the present.

However, it is important to note that the use of resource-based CSP value alone may not be enough to fully counteract the influence of the IMF and other external actors on the African economy. The IMF and other international financial institutions have a significant amount of power and influence over global financial systems, and reducing their impact on United African States will require systemic and structural changes that go beyond the use of alternative currencies.

The use of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies in African nations would certainly reduce the power of the International Monetary Fund and other external actors in the African economy. By promoting more localised and sustainable economic systems, African natural resources could help to promote greater economic self-determination and independence for the United African States, while also supporting the development of more equitable and sustainable economies. However, it will require a range of systemic and structural changes to fully address the challenges posed by external actors like the IMF over African affairs.

The use of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies in the United African States would enable the African economy to become more economically self-sufficient and subsist on a non-monetary economic system. One of the key advantages of using a resource-based CSP value card is that it promotes localised economic development. In many African nations, economic growth has been heavily concentrated in urban areas, while rural communities have been left behind. By creating national CSP cards that are tied to specific resources, economic trades could promote economic growth and job creation in rural areas, supporting the development of more self-sufficient and resilient local economies.

In addition, resource-based CSP could promote more sustainable and equitable economic practices, reducing dependence on external sources of capital and promoting the responsible use of natural resources. This could help to build more resilient and self-sufficient economies that are less vulnerable to external economic shocks and fluctuations. Furthermore, the use of resource-based CSP could help to reduce the economic disparities between different regions and communities within the United African States. By promoting economic growth at the local level, the CSP card would help to support the development of more equitable and inclusive economies, removing the current dependence of marginalised African nations on external sources of support.

It is important to note, however, that transitioning to a non-monetary economic system based on resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies would require significant structural and systemic changes. The United African States would need to develop the necessary infrastructure and institutional frameworks to support the use of available local resources, while also addressing the underlying structural factors that have contributed to their economic dependence on external sources of capital at the present.

Furthermore, the use of resource-based CSP value alone may not be enough to fully enable African nations to become economically self-sufficient and subsist on a non-monetary economic system. This would require a range of complementary policies and strategies, such as investment to develop and put in place the required local infrastructure, government direct development of small businesses and entrepreneurship, and the development of sustainable agricultural practices.

As such, it is important to recognise that a transition to a non-monetary economic system based on resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies is feasible and desirable for African ecosystems. Africa is a vast and diverse continent with an incredibly diverse range of ecosystems, each with its unique characteristics, climate, and environment. These ecosystems can be broadly classified into five main types: coastal environments, deserts and semi-deserts, mountain environments, savanna grasslands, and forests.

Coastal environments are found along the continent’s vast coastline, which spans over 30,000 kilometres. These environments are characterised by their proximity to the ocean and include beaches, estuaries, lagoons, and mangrove swamps. These environments are characterised by high temperatures, high humidity, and a mixture of land and water resources, and are influenced by the sea and have a unique climate, with high humidity and rainfall. The people who live in these areas have adapted to the coastal environment by engaging in fishing, farming, and trading with other coastal communities. They are often fishermen and traders who have learned to adapt to the challenges of living in a constantly changing environment.

Deserts and semi-deserts located in North Africa, such as the Sahara and the Kalahari, are vast and arid regions that cover a significant portion of Africa’s landmass. The Sahara is the largest desert on the continent, these regions are characterised by low rainfall, high temperatures, and sparse vegetation. The people who live in these areas are nomadic, relying on herding and hunting as their primary means of survival. They have developed unique skills and strategies to survive in such an extreme environment, with harsh desert conditions by practising pastoralism, oasis agriculture, and trading across the desert.

Mountain environments in Africa are found in several countries, including Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda. Mountain environments, such as the Atlas Mountains and Mount Kilimanjaro, are characterised by high altitudes, steep terrain, steep slopes, and a wide range of climatic conditions. The people who live in these areas have adapted to the challenging conditions by developing unique farming and herding techniques, as well as trading networks that allow them to access resources from other areas. They live in mountain environments and have adapted to the colder temperatures by practising subsistence agriculture, pastoralism, and trading with lowland communities.

Savanna grasslands are the most extensive ecosystem in Africa and cover over half of the continent. Savanna grasslands cover large areas of Africa, from the Sahel region in West Africa to the Serengeti plains in East Africa. These environments are characterised by grasses and scattered trees, with a distinct dry and wet seasons. The people who live in savanna grasslands have adapted to the seasonal climate by practising agriculture, pastoralism, and hunting.

Forests are found in several regions across Africa, including Central Africa, West Africa, and East Africa. These environments are characterised by high rainfall and a dense canopy of trees. The people who live in forest environments have adapted to the dense vegetation by practising hunting, gathering, and slash-and-burn agriculture.

Therefore, the diverse ecosystems of Africa have shaped the lives and livelihoods of the African people who live there. Each ecosystem has its unique environment, climate, and resources, and the people who live in these environments have adapted to their conditions and learned to use their resources sustainably.

Resource utilisation as an alternative currency refers to the practice of using African natural resources as a means of exchange for products and services between Africans in Africa, rather than relying on foreign fiat currency to determine our African economic conditions. This approach has the potential to reduce reliance on foreign currencies and promote the United African States’ national economic growth.

In the proposed United African States, resource utilisation as an alternative currency would be facilitated through the development of a resource-backed CSP card. For example, a CSP card can be used within any African region for any economic purpose, such as for gold or other precious metals or used in regions with agricultural products with strong agricultural industries.

The diverse ecosystems in Africa provide a wealth of natural resources that could be utilised in this way on a non-monetary economy that would provide self-sufficiency subsistence for the entire African population both in the HomeLand and in the diaspora. For example, regions in West Africa provide us with the use of rich oil reserves as a resource-backed CSP, while regions in East Africa provide us with vast agricultural resources, such as coffee and tea, as a means of representative-exchange within Africa.

However, the success of resource utilisation as an alternative currency would depend on a number of factors, including effective resource management, stable govoxical participation of citizenry voters’ selection of government policies, negflating economic conditions, and strong infrastructure to support the speedy distribution of resources.

Additionally, United African States would require a strong framework for cooperation and collaboration among the working-group to ensure equitable distribution and management of resources, under the regulatory control of the Economy-branch of government.

Therefore, the diverse African ecosystem provides a vast array of natural resources that would be used as alternative currencies in the United African States. Moreover, the use of resource utilisation as an alternative currency could also lead to sustainable development and the conservation of natural resources. In many African countries, the extraction and exportation of natural resources have led to environmental degradation and social inequality.

The use of resource-backed CSP cards would encourage the adoption of sustainable practices and promote conservation efforts, as the value allocated to individual CSP cards would be directly tied to the health and productivity of the entire African ecosystem.

Furthermore, the use of alternative currencies could also help to mitigate the impact of external economic shocks on African economies. African countries often experience currency fluctuations and inflation due to their reliance on foreign currencies, which undermine local businesses and industries. By using a resource-backed CSP card, United African States could reduce its reliance on foreign currencies and promote national economic growth, making them more resilient or completely independent of external economic shocks.

However, there are also direct benefits to the use of resource-backed CSP cards. The value of the CSP card would not be directly tied to the availability and price of the underlying resource in the global market economy, which is prone to market volatility and fluctuations. African established industries abroad in foreign countries could access its raw materials directly from Africa, and independent of global market conditions.

Additionally, the use of resource-backed CSP would enforce equality within Africa nationally, as all regions would have equal access to products and services they need regardless of whether any of the regions is with abundant natural resources or may have an advantage of economic industries within its region over other regions.

As such, while the use of resource utilisation as an alternative currency in the United African States has a wealth of benefits, it would require careful consideration and planning to ensure its success. And most of these depend on electing an experienced secretary-of-state of the United African States to oversee its development and progress in each 6-year govoxical tenure in public office.

Effective resource management, govoxical stability of citizenry policy development, and strong infrastructure would be necessary to support the speedy distribution of resources, and a strong framework for cooperation and collaboration within the working-group would be essential to ensure equitable distribution and management of resources. Ultimately, the use of alternative currencies could help to promote sustainable development and resilience in the United African States’ economies but would require careful management to mitigate potential drawbacks and challenges.

In conclusion, the use of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies in the United African States would help to promote more localised, sustainable, and equitable economic development across regional-communities in Africa, reducing dependence on external sources of capital and promoting economic self-sufficiency. However, this would require significant structural and systemic changes, as well as complementary populocratic policies and govoxical strategies, to be successful.

CHAPTER FOUR

ETHNOSOCIALISM: REVIVAL OF ANCIENT AFRICAN-SOCIALISM

Ethnosocialism is a govox-populi, populocracy, commicracy, ethnopublic nationalism, and ethno-corporatist economic ideology that positions itself in opposition to republicanism and monarchy, democracy and politics, capitalism and bureaucracy, advocating instead for a classless system in which the modes of economic production are owned by the corporatist State and the means of production are collectively regulated and shared by all members of the nation, and private ownership of property is non-existent.

Understanding of ethnosocialism is a term for African-socialism. Pan-African ideologies encompass a range of African-socialism. African-socialism is a socialist theory that conveys African collectivist culture and traditions in altruism and cooperative economic customs in which ‘all work for each, and each work for all’ in the understanding that what belongs to the individuals goes to form what belongs to the collectives of African society.

The idea of ethnosocialism is not new to African historical culture as it was practised in all the indigenous ancient African culture way of life, with almost 10,000 interspersed independent kingdoms across the African continent.

Pan-African ideologies developed to revive the ideology of African-socialism, after centuries of slavery of the African people and to fight back against the developed western imposed colonialism that was kick-started in the 1880s when the western powers began to impose colonialism upon the African people. Sylvester Williams is widely regarded as one of the pioneers of Pan-Africanism, which is a movement aimed at uniting people of African descent around the world. He was born in Jamaica in 1869 and moved to London in the late 19^th century, where he became involved in the Pan-African movement.

Williams was a proponent of Pan-African socialism, which he saw as a way to bring economic and social justice to people of African descent everywhere around the world. He believed that African-socialism was the best system for achieving this goal for the African people, as it emphasised the importance of community and collective ownership of resources.

In 1900, Williams organised the First Pan-African Conference in London, which brought together leaders and activists from across Africa and the African diaspora. The conference focused on issues such as colonialism, racism, and economic exploitation, and sought to develop strategies for achieving African liberation and unity. During the conference, Williams delivered a speech in which he called for the establishment of a Pan-African socialist movement. He argued that African-socialism was not just an economic system, but a way of life that emphasised the importance of solidarity, cooperation, and mutual support.

Williams’ ideas about Pan-African socialism had a significant influence on the Pan-African movement in the early 20th-century. His vision of a united, socialist Africa inspired many activists and leaders and helped to lay the foundation for the African Independence movements of the 1950s and 1960s. Williams’ contribution to the development of Pan-Africanism and Pan-African socialism was significant. His ideas influenced the activism and thinking of this manifesto today, as the current young generation of African descent around the world continues to work towards the goal of African unity and liberation.

This Corporatist Manifesto presents the African Revolution that is emerging as a major historical turning point when political leadership – the democratic rule by the government over the governed – will be overturned by the populocratic rule by the governed over the government and ushered in the modern, govox-populi administrative system of government where both the government and the governed have shared control of state government administration in an interdependent leadership.

This revolution will replace the bureaucratic mode of organisation with a commicratic mode of organisation, in which the pitted government against the citizens, employers against employees, and service-providers against service-users, would be turned-around in an interdependent and equality rules-of-engagement in an ethnosocialist society.

I advocate for the revival of our indigenous ancient African-socialism, which is a Pan-African ideology and an ethnosocialist construct, to usher in an era of ethnopublicanism, to be followed by ethno-corporatism.

The development of a non-monetary economy in the socio-economic practices of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies in the United African States, would mark the beginning of the end of African economic dependence on the International Monetary Fund (IMF) global financial institutions and create a more populocratic and inclusive economic system for the African people everywhere – both in the HomeLand and in the diaspora.

In an ethnosocialist society, all people regardless of race, gender, ethnicity or creed, would live in a socio-structural balance where the feelings, attitudes and beliefs, which the social actors have towards each other, promote the formation of stable (but not necessarily conflict free) social groups; where the concept of family is organised on satriarchical lines, with equal shared commissioning-rules in the family household by the perceived mother and father; and where all members of society live without class distinctions, religion or individual ownership of property.

While post-ethnosocialism would see the eventual disappearance of State government where human-society would remain organised in such as way that government nationalism structure would no longer be required to regulate human-society everywhere under a non-representative populocracy form of governance, ethnosocialism requires a govox-populi administrative system of government to function under a representative-populocracy form of governance.

While post ethno-corporatism would operate a non-monetary economy, where, regardless of the type of economic service individuals contributes to the national economy, individuals would freely exchange their skills and labour for other economic products and services nationally without the need for money currency as a medium of exchange, but ethno-corporatism requires a govox-populi system of government to function and institute structural welfare for equal access to economic products and services for those whom capitalism has left at disadvantage in society, such as the older people, the disabled, and nursing mothers.

In an ethno-corporatism economy, workers contribute according to each of their corposense ability and have access to economic products and services that meets the direct needs of individuals as they so wish and desire. In other words, ethno-corporatism gives everyone that participates in the representative-populocratic shared-governance of their society equal access to the economic products and services they need to live a comfortable life, regardless of their occupation or social status.

An aspect of the success of ethnosocialism is three-fold: The first is the use of economic incentives among citizens to lead to competition and innovation in society. The second is the centralised planning of government-centred Commicratic-Departments that conduct daily social and economic research to propose policy decisions for the citizenry voters’ selection of government policy. The third is the concentration of the State legislative power in the hands of the citizenry-electorates, where the populocratic participation of citizenry-electorates in the policy decision-making which the government have the State constitutional duty to implement for society.

Organising incentives for citizens to engage actively in economic service in a non-monetary economy using resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies requires a significant shift in economic thinking and policy. In a non-monetary economy, the value of products and services is not measured in monetary units but rather in terms of the resources used to produce them. Resource-based currencies are a way to allocate resources and measure the value of products and services in terms of their ecological impact and sustainability.

In the United African States, the incentives for citizens to engage actively in economic service are proposed to be organised through the establishment of a resource-based Corporatist Service Provision CSP card that reflects the value of the resources used in production. For example, the secretariat-branch of government could establish a system of carbon credits to encourage businesses to reduce their annual carbon footprint. The businesses could then trade these credits with each other, creating a resource-trade for carbon reduction that incentivise innovation and competition.

Similarly, the secretariat-branch of government could establish a system of water rights or electricity rights, where individuals and businesses could trade their monthly water or electricity usage credits based on their usage and conservation practices. This system would incentivise the conservation and efficient use of household resources, which will contribute to economic growth across the United African States. The same is proposed to be utilised in food-packaging and the sustainable use of nylon and paper materials from supermarket shelves to recycling centres, in promoting a culture of reducing household wastes and encouraging recycling in protecting the environment.

To promote competition and innovation, the secretariat government could establish regulations that encourage the development of sustainable technologies and reward companies that adopt these technologies. For example, a government could offer reward credits to companies that invest in renewable energy, or establish a research and development fund to support innovative technologies that reduce waste and pollution.

As such, organising incentives for citizens to engage actively in economic service in a non-monetary economy requires the establishment of resource-based CSP economic cards that reflect the value of ecological sustainability. Secretariat government can promote competition and innovation by proposing citizenry regulations that encourage sustainable technologies and by offering rewards in credit-chip and incentives to companies that adopt these technologies. By promoting sustainable economic growth, United African States can create a more prosperous and equitable future for their citizens.

In addition to resource-based currencies and regulations, the secretariat government can also incentivise through the provision of credit-chip rewards to attract active citizen engagement in the economy by promoting education and training programs that provide individuals with the skills and knowledge necessary to participate in the economy. This can include programs that teach sustainable farming techniques, entrepreneurship, and vocational training in areas of high demand.

Furthermore, the secretariat government can work to create an enabling environment for innovation and entrepreneurship by establishing business incubation centres, funding research and development initiatives, and using commicratic processes to make it easier for businesses to start and grow. As such, high incentives among citizens to engage actively in economic service in a non-monetary economy with the use of resource utilisation as constitutional alternative currencies can be organised in a variety of ways. Secretariat government can propose citizenry policy to implement measures and harness the power of African resources to build sustainable and prosperous economies that benefit all citizens.

Work-life balance is another critical aspect of employee satisfaction and well-being, and company HR that prioritise work-life balance can benefit from increased productivity, reduced turnover, and a more positive workplace culture. There are several ways in which work-life balance can be made into an incentive:

1. Flexible scheduling: Employers can offer flexible scheduling options, such as telecommuting which involves the practice of working from home, making use of the internet, email, and the telephone, compressed workweeks, or flextime, which allows employees to adjust their work schedules to fit their personal lives. This can help employees manage childcare or other responsibilities, reducing stress and improving work-life balance.
2. Time off policies: Company HR can provide generous time off policies, such as CSP credit vacation days, personal days, and sick leave, to allow employees to take time off when they need it. Additionally, company HR can offer parental leave or other forms of credit leave to help employees manage family responsibilities.
3. Wellness programs: Company HR can offer wellness programs, such as gym memberships, healthy food options, or stress-reduction programs, to encourage employees to prioritise their physical and mental health. This can improve employee morale, reduce absenteeism, and increase productivity.
4. Employee recognition: Company HR can recognise employees who demonstrate a strong commitment to work-life balance by providing awards or incentives, such as bonuses or extra time off. This can motivate employees to prioritise their personal lives while also performing well at work.
5. Workload management: Company HR can work with employees to manage workloads and prioritise tasks, allowing employees to achieve a better work-life balance. This can include providing adequate resources and staffing to support employees and offering training programs to help employees develop time-management and prioritisation skills.

Therefore, work-life balance can be made into an incentive by providing employees with flexible scheduling options, generous time off policies, wellness programs, employee recognition, and workload management. By prioritising work-life balance, employers can create a more positive workplace culture, reduce turnover, and improve productivity.

My proposed theory of an ethno-corporatist economic system with centralised planning that relies on a commicracy mode of organisation, a populocracy form of governance, and regulated by a govox-populi administrative system of government has the potential to be inherently efficient in the United African States. Here are some ways in which this system could be effective:

1. Commicracy mode of organisation: The commicracy mode of organisation is a system where workers have control of decision-making over the means of production and services. By giving workers a say in how things are run can improve efficiency as workers are more likely to be invested in their work and motivated to improve productivity.
2. Populocracy form of governance: The populocracy form of governance is a system where citizens are involved in the policy decision-making process through various mechanisms such as the daily voters’ selection of government policy on the internet and mobile-phone apps, including citizen assemblies and the national institution of the Advisory-bodies’ provision of free training and education on govoxical issues to members of the public. This can improve efficiency by ensuring that policies and decisions are made with direct decisions from the people who will be affected by them.
3. Regulated by a govox-populi system of government: The govox-populi system of government is a system where the government is regulated by the people through a system of representative-populocracy. This can improve efficiency by ensuring that the implementation of citizenry policies and decisions is aligned with the needs and desires of the people.
4. Centralised planning: Centralised planning can improve efficiency by ensuring that resources are allocated in a way that is most effective and efficient for achieving national goals. By having a centralised planning system headed by the secretary-of-state of the United African States, resources can be allocated in a coordinated and strategic manner, reducing waste and duplication of efforts.
5. United African States: By having the United African States, all African States within the union would work together in unity, which would improve efficiency through economies of scale, shared resources and expertise, and increased bargaining power in international trade.
6. Education and Training: In order for workers to effectively participate in the commicracy mode of organisation, they need to be educated and trained in decision-making and management skills. This can be achieved through education and training programs, both in schools and in the workplace, which can improve the overall quality of the workforce and increase efficiency.
7. Technology and Infrastructure: To support the centralised planning and coordination of resources, there needs to be adequate infrastructure and technology in place. This includes access to reliable transportation, communication networks, and information technology systems, which can help to streamline processes and reduce inefficiencies.
8. Transparency and Accountability: In order for the govox-populi system of government to be effective, there needs to be transparency and accountability in decision-making processes. This can be achieved through mechanisms such as public reporting, auditing, and citizen oversight headed by the citizenry-branch of government, which can help to ensure that other branches of government actions are aligned with the citizenry policy decisions and needs of the people as a whole.
9. Innovation and Research: To continue improving efficiency, there needs to be a focus on innovation and research. This can include investments in research and development, as well as incentives for businesses and individuals to innovate and develop new technologies and processes.

Overall, the theory of an ethno-corporatist economic system with centralised planning that relies on a commicracy mode of organisation, a populocracy form of governance, and is regulated by a govox-populi system of government has the potential to be an efficient system in the United African States. However, the success of this system will depend on the secretariats’ effective implementation and ongoing evaluation to ensure that it continues to meet the needs of the people and achieve national goals.

The concentration of state legislative power into the hands of the citizenry-electorates under the populocracy form of governance can breed government efficiency in the United African States. This is because, when citizens have a greater say in policy decision-making in an elective-process, they are more likely to be invested in the outcome and motivated to ensure that government implementation of their prescribed policies and actions are aligned with their needs and desires.

One way that the populocracy form of governance can provide incentives for citizens to become more engaged and active in the govoxical process is through the use of the proposed digital voters’ selection of policy on mobile-phone apps and the internet. By allowing citizens to vote directly on policy decisions, they are more likely to feel invested in the outcome and motivated to participate in the process.

Another way that the populocracy form of governance can provide incentives for citizens is through the use of mechanisms such as citizen assemblies organised by Advisory-bodies, or participatory budgeting over the government’s proposal organised by citizenry-electorates and economy-unionists where relevant. These mechanisms allow citizens to have a more active role in state-centred decision-making and provide opportunities for them to have a direct say in how national resources are allocated.

However, it is important to note that there is also the potential for citizens to game the system for their benefit under a populocracy form of governance. This can happen when a small group of citizens or interest groups such as free-radicals are able to sway the decision-making process in their favour at the expense of others.

To mitigate the potential for gaming the system, there needs to be transparency and accountability in the policy decision-making process. This includes mechanisms such as secretariat government’s public reporting, auditing, and citizen oversight, which can help to ensure that government implementation of policies and actions are aligned with the needs of the people and not just a select few and that citizenry-selected policy decision creates greater happiness for a greater number of people in society.

Additionally, education and awareness-raising programs by independent Advisory-bodies can help to ensure that citizens have a better understanding of the government policy decision-making process and their role in it. This can help to reduce the potential for gaming the system to the advantage of potential free-radicals and ensure that citizenry-selected policy decisions are made in the best interest of the majority of citizens.

As such, the concentration of State legislative power into the hands of the citizenry-electorates under the populocracy form of governance can breed government efficiency and provide incentives for citizens to become more engaged and active in the govoxical process. However, it is important to be aware of the potential for gaming the system and take steps to mitigate this risk.

Furthermore, it is important to ensure that the citizenry’s populocracy form of governance is balanced with the differing internal structural arrangements of the four branches of government. For example, in the preceded volume-4 of this manifesto, I explored how the Judicial power is exercised and structured in a gerontocratic arrangement, how the Economy power is exercised and structured in a meritocratic arrangement, how the Executive power is exercised and structured in a democratic arrangement, and how the Legislative power is exercised and structured in a liberal-socialist arrangement, fits precisely in compromising rule to describe a broad range of outcomes between the exercise of power in government, especially in a non-partisan system of government like govox-populi.

The primary internal structural arrangements of each branch of government differ because populocracy may not be appropriate for all government decision-making processes. Therefore, it is important to have a mix of different forms of government to ensure that the internal decision-making of government bodies is efficient and effective in the government’s internal management structure.

In addition, the concentration of state legislative power into the hands of the citizenry-electorates can be a powerful tool for holding elected officials in government accountable. When citizens have the power to directly vote on policy decisions, they are more likely to hold their elected officials accountable for their actions and decisions. This can help to reduce corruption and ensure that government officials are acting and providing accurate Information-delivery in the best interest of the people.

However, it is important to ensure that the ethnopublic state structural populocracy form of governance is implemented in a way that is fair and equitable for all citizens. This means that efforts need to be made to ensure that all citizens have access to the government’s proposed policy decision-making process and that their voices are heard. This can be achieved through efforts to increase participation and representation, including efforts to reflect the wishes and needs of the pre-working age group and marginalised groups such as migrants with no rights to vote.

In conclusion, the concentration of state legislative power into the hands of the citizenry electorates under the populocracy form of governance can breed government efficiency and provide incentives for citizens to become more engaged and active in the govoxical process. However, it is important to be aware of the potential for gaming the system by potential free-radicals and for the secretariat government to take steps to propose citizenry policies to mitigate this risk. Additionally, efforts need to be made to ensure that the populocracy form of governance is implemented in a fair and equitable manner, with all citizens having access to the government policy decision-making process to create greater happiness for a greater number of people in the proposed United African States.

Justice System and Populocratic Values

In the proposed African ethnopublic society, the justice system operates differently from western societies which are predominantly republican nations. Instead of prosecutors and defence attorneys, the court system employs arbitrators and discordant to resolve disputes. This is because, in a populocratic society where the citizenry holds the State legislative power, it is in theory incompatible for individuals to be expected to prosecute a government body or defend themselves against a government body.

The role of the arbitrator is to facilitate a dialogue between the parties in dispute and to work towards a mutually agreed upon resolution. They are not there to prove guilt or innocence, but to help both parties find a solution that they can agree on. The discordant, on the other hand, is there to represent the interests of the community and to ensure that the outcome is in line with the community’s values and norms.

This populocratic system of justice is based on the belief that your sense of morality cannot demoralise you. Because the human-brain operates on a deterministic value, an individual sense of morality can only be appealed to, re-educated, and redeemed of its misconduct to the effect being aligned to the remolarised value of the collectives. This means that the focus is on finding a solution that aligns with the values and norms of the community, rather than punishing the individual for their wrongdoing.

This approach to justice has its roots in indigenous traditional African societies, where social cohesion and harmony were highly valued. In these societies, the emphasis was on restoring relationships and maintaining social order, rather than punishing wrongdoers. This is reflected in the use of restorative justice practices, such as communal dialogue, reparations, and forgiveness. And in extreme cases, persistent wrongdoers are cast out of the community to the forestry wilderness.

This was widely practised in many indigenous ancient African kingdoms where such individuals sought refuge in neighbouring communities. If neighbouring communities rejected them, they were either left to live alone in the forestry wilderness or continue to seek a community where they could seek refuge and become a part of their newfound community.

In some cases, individuals do often return to their community of birth they’ve been cast away from after many years or decades and their return often calls for a time of reconciliation and forgiveness. This is where the theory of Redeem system has developed in this manifesto in calling for the abolition of the western style Prison system in the United African States.

While the ancient African system of justice may seem foreign to western societies, it has its advantages. For one, it promotes community cohesion and encourages individuals to take responsibility for their actions. It also allows for a more nuanced approach to justice, where the needs and values of the community are taken into account. Additionally, it can be a more cost-effective and efficient way of resolving disputes, as it does not require lengthy legal battles.

However, this justice system is not without its challenges. It may sometimes be difficult to find impartial arbitrators and discordants at regional palaver-courts due to matters of regional morality or ethnic bias, and there is always the risk of the system being abused by those in a position of trust. Additionally, it may not be suitable for cases where there is a clear victim and perpetrator, such as cases of violent crime. It is precisely based on these factors that cases of appeals taken to must be presided over on bench trial by a panel of Judges at the individual State level and the House-of-StateLords’ Tribunal at the national level.

As such, the African ethnopublic system of justice is based on the values of community cohesion, restorative justice, and responsibility. While it may be different from western systems of justice, it has its advantages and can be an effective way of resolving disputes. However, it is not without its challenges, and it is important to approach it with a critical eye and an understanding of its limitations.

Furthermore, the African ethnopublic system of justice also places a strong emphasis on mediation and dialogue. Rather than relying solely on legal procedures and punitive measures, the focus is on finding a solution that satisfies all parties involved. This can help to reduce tensions and promote reconciliation between the parties, which is an important aspect of community building.

Another important aspect of this system is the role of the community in the justice process. The community is involved in the verdict process and plays an active role in resolving disputes. This can help to promote a sense of ownership and responsibility for the justice system, which can lead to greater participation and engagement in the community as a whole.

However, it is important to note that the African ethnopublic system of justice does not operate as a monolithic system at the regional level. It varies from region to region and from community to community but is in practice in the same format. In some cases, it may coexist with other forms of justice, such as customary law or any other legal system. Whatever or however a regional-community of people wish to settle their disputes and resolve their own caused social problems at their palaver-courts is completely up to them.

But in the cases of discordants at the end of such a public-jury trial, the matter is escalated on appeal to the government body where the case is presided based on citizenry-prescribed laws relevant to the particular State and based on national laws at the supreme House-of-StateLords’ Tribunal. Therefore, it is important to approach this system with an understanding of its uniqueness and to be open to learning about the specific nuances of each regional-community’s justice system.

Therefore, the African ethnopublic system of justice is a unique system that is based on community values and restorative justice. It emphasises the importance of mediation, dialogue, and community involvement in the justice process. While regional palaver-courts may not be suitable for all cases, it has its advantages and can be an effective way of resolving disputes and promoting community cohesion. It is important to approach this system with an open mind and a willingness to learn about its specific nuances in order to fully understand its uniqueness.

Another important aspect of the African ethnopublic system of justice at the regional level is the use of trial by Public-Jury where legal proceeding involves members of a regional community within the voting-age group making decisions or findings of fact in court trials within their region. This process is done through an elective-process using mobile-phone apps and artificial-intelligence technology. This process is unique because it allows for a more populocratic approach to justice where the general public can actively participate in the legal system.

In the current justice system in republican nations, a bench trial is where the judge or panel of judges is responsible for deciding the facts and law of a case and submitting their verdict. In criminal cases, a jury consisting of twelve people chosen at random from the general public decides only the facts of a case and brings a verdict. In contrast, in the proposed African ethnopublic regional justice system, a public-jury trial requires the voting-age members of the population to decide on the facts of a case trial within their regional-community in reference to the relevant law and bring a verdict upon the accused.

The use of public-jury trials has developed from the theory of populocracy, which emphasises the importance of the people governing themselves. It would have a profound impact on the nature of public justice procedures and rules. Public-jury trials provide a justice system in which fact-finding is referenced to its relevant areas of law, and concentrated in a single trial proceeding. The accused has the right to review the decision of the public-jury trial in an open justice system.

Public-jury trials are necessary for a populocratic society that has a citizenry-prescribed law system and public policy decision-making processes. This approach to justice allows the general public to participate in the legal process, ensuring a more populocratic approach to justice. It also helps to ensure that the legal system is more reflective of the values and beliefs of the community it serves. Overall, trial by Public-Jury is a unique approach to justice that has the potential to improve the legal system and ensure that justice is truly served in all cases.

Another advantage of the public-jury trial process is that it promotes transparency and accountability in the legal system. Since the members of the public act as jurors, there is a higher level of scrutiny on the judicial process, and this helps to ensure that justice is not only done but is seen to be done. Additionally, public-jury trials promote civic engagement and community involvement, as members of the public participate in a process that impacts the lives of people in their community.

However, implementing public-jury trials requires careful planning and consideration. The use of mobile-phone apps and computerised technology must be secure and reliable to prevent any tampering or interference with the legal process. Furthermore, there must be clear guidelines and rules to ensure that jurors are unbiased and make decisions based solely on the evidence presented in court. Dedicated independent Advisory-bodies would also be available across regional-communities to provide training programs for those who may wish to elect themselves as court jurors to ensure that they have the necessary knowledge and skills to fulfil their populocratic duties effectively.

Trial by Public-Jury is a legal proceeding that allows members of a regional community to make decisions or findings of fact in court trials within their region. This process promotes transparency, accountability, civic engagement, and community involvement. While it may have some challenges in implementation, public-jury trials are necessary for a populocratic society that has a citizenry law system, and their introduction may lead to a more populocratic and just legal system, as it was practised in many indigenous ancient African kingdoms.

The public-jury system is more populocratic than the petit-jury system which is more a representative-democracy approach to justice because the public-jury involves all eligible members of a community in the decision-making process and not just a select few done under the petit-jury system. By allowing all voting-age members of the population within a specific regional community to be involved in multiple trials at once within their regional community, the public-jury system creates a more representative-populocracy where the people govern themselves.

This is in contrast to the petit-jury system, which only involves a randomly selected group of 12 people. While the petit-jury system claims to aim to ensure a fair and impartial trial, it is limited in its scope and only involves a small subset of the community in the decision-making process.

The public-jury system’s inclusiveness is a reflection of the philosophy of populocracy, which emphasises the importance of community involvement in any public decision-making process anywhere. This approach is based on the belief that the people, rather than a small elite group, should have the power to govern themselves and shape their own community and ways of life within the parameters of the State Constitution.

Additionally, the public-jury system’s use of mobile-phone apps and televised technology in the trial process further emphasises its commitment to inclusivity and accessibility. By using technology to streamline the electoral verdict process and make it easier for people to participate, the public-jury system helps to ensure that all eligible members of the community have a voice in the legal process.

As such, the public-jury system’s more populocratic approach reflects a commitment to inclusivity and community involvement that is central to the philosophy of populocracy. By involving all eligible members of a community in the decision-making process, the public-jury system helps to create a more populocratic and transparent legal system.

Furthermore, the public-jury system’s emphasis on community involvement and inclusivity also helps to build trust in the legal system. When members of the community have a direct role in the legal process, they are more likely to feel invested in the outcome and to trust that the decision was fair and just.

This is particularly important in cases where the accused is a member of the community, as it helps to ensure that the decision is not perceived as institutionally biased or unjust. By involving a larger number of people in the decision-making process, the public-jury system also helps to reduce the risk of individual biases or prejudices influencing the verdict.

In contrast, the petit-jury system’s reliance on a small group of randomly selected jurors has not always reflected the diversity of the community. This leads to a lack of trust in the legal system if the accused or others in the community feel that the decision was made by an unrepresentative group of people. As such, the public-jury system’s emphasis on community involvement and inclusivity helps to create a more populocratic, transparent, and trustworthy legal system. By involving all eligible members of a community in the decision-making process, the public-jury system ensures that the decision reflects the values and perspectives of the community as a whole.

Here’s a table comparing and contrasting the petit-jury system and the public-jury system:

Petit-jury System	Public-Jury System
Consists of a group of 12 people selected at random from the community	Consists of all voting-age members of the population within a specific regional-community
Decides on both the facts and submitted law of a case and submits a verdict	Decides only on the facts of a case and brings a verdict based on the relevant law
Jurors are chosen by lawyers and judges, with a screening process to ensure jurors are unbiased	Individuals can elect themselves to participate in juror process of a case through a process that involves mobile-phone apps and televised technology
Any person can be selected as a juror, and the juror must attend the courtrooms	Only workers can elect to be a juror in any case of economic crime, and any person of voting-age can elect to be a juror in any other case
Juror are limited to one trial at a time	Juror may be involved in as many trials at once within their regional community
The Petit court process is governed by bureaucracy and trials usually take a number of days	The public court process is governed by commicracy and trials and no time-limit to the duration of trial
The accused may appeal the verdict based on legal errors made by the judge or jury	The accused may appeal the verdict based on legal errors, evidence of bias, misrepresentation of fact or misconduct in court process
Trials are held within court buildings and not primarily televised	Trials are held within court buildings and primarily televised and only available to be watched by the regional community on local court channel
Does not allows for jurors’ open review and discussion of the proceeding during the trial	Allows for public open review and discussion of the proceeding during the trial
Decisions are final and binding	Decisions are forever open to review and retrial by the public
The Petit court system employs a representative-democracy approach to justice, where 12 jurors are chosen by lawyers and judges	The public court system employs a representative-populocracy approach to justice, where any number of people may elect themselves as jurors

Overall, the main difference between the two systems is that the petit-jury system involves a small group of individuals selected at random, while the public-jury system involves the entire voting-age population of a specific regional community. Additionally, the petit-jury system decides both the facts and the law of a case, while the public-jury system only decides on the facts based on the relevant law. The public-jury system also involves an electoral verdict process and allows for open review and discussion of its decisions.

Another key difference between the two systems is the scope of their involvement in the legal process. In the petit-jury system, jurors are only involved in one trial at a time and are selected by lawyers and judges, whereas in the public-jury system, all voting-age members of the population within a specific regional community may be involved in multiple trials at once within their regional community, and anyone could be deselected if found to deviate from the televised court rules through a process that involves mobile-phone apps and artificial-intelligence technology.

Furthermore, the appeals process for each system is also different. In the petit-jury system, the accused may appeal the verdict based on legal errors made by the judge or jury, while in the public-jury system, the accused may appeal the verdict not only based on legal errors made by judges or the public-jury but also based on evidence of bias, misrepresentation of fact, or misconduct by any party involved in the proceeding.

Also, the decisions made by each system also have different levels of finality. In the petit-jury system, the decisions made by the jury are final and binding, while in the public-jury system, decisions are open to review and discussion by the public.

Overall, while both systems have their advantages and disadvantages, the public-jury system emphasises community involvement, transparency, and accountability, while the petit-jury system emphasises potential partiality and risk tolerance to the unfair trial process.

In the proposed theory of ethnopublic nationalism, the palaver-court in the United African States is a unique legal system that differs significantly from the court system in republican nationalism. In contrast to the republican court system, which is typically based on a hierarchical structure with judges, attorneys, and other legal professionals, the palaver-court is a populocratic system that involves a wider range of individuals in the decision-making process.

Specifically, the palaver-court is subject in lower field capacity to the supreme House-of-StateLords’ Tribunal of the United African States that is responsible for making the final judgment in cases of appeals that originate from the palaver-court to the StateLord’s Tribunal of that State jurisdiction before reaching the supreme House-of-StateLords’ Tribunal.

Each StateLord’s Tribunal in each State within the unity has representative judges that include practising judges across all regions within each State, and they would be responsible for making appeal court decisions on important legal and govoxical issues that affect all citizens with all regions within their respective State as a whole in the name of the office of their StateLord, who is a part of the joint head-of-state of the United African States.

In palaver-court cases, individuals or groups may bring their disputes to the public-jury trial to seek a resolution. In cases of appeals, the StateLord’s Tribunal in each State responsible for all regions within its State jurisdiction will then review the case, hear from all parties involved, and make a final judgment based on the evidence presented. The appeal proceeding is conducted by a bench trial, the judge or panel of judges is responsible for deciding the facts and law of a case and submitting their verdict in the name of the StateLord of that State jurisdiction.

One of the key advantages of the palaver-court system is that it is based on the principles of populocracy, which emphasises the importance of community involvement and decision-making. By involving a representative body of individuals within a region in the decision-making process, the palaver-court system ensures that its judgment reflects the values and perspectives of the region as a whole. In cases of appeals, a panel of judges hear the case on behalf of the StateLord of that State Jurisdiction.

And if the particular case can justify matters of national interests, the final appeal is taken further to the House-of-StateLords’ Assembly that would involve a panel of the StateLords sitting, but not less than four, (which may or may not exclude the StateLord where the case originates from) to hear the case and bring a verdict in the name of the United African States.

Moreover, the palaver-court system is designed to be more inclusive and accessible than the court system in republican nations. In many republican court systems, legal proceedings can be complex and difficult for individuals who are not legal professionals to navigate. In contrast, the palaver-court system is designed to be more straightforward and accessible to individuals from a wide range of backgrounds and professions.

As such, the palaver-court system represents a significant departure from the republican court system. By involving the general regional members of the public at the initial stage of all legal decision-making processes, the palaver-court system helps to create a more populocratic, inclusive, and accessible legal system that reflects the values and perspectives of the region in which the accused originates or resides.

Additionally, the palaver-court system also emphasises the importance of restorative justice. Unlike the republican court system, which often focuses on punishment and retribution, the palaver-court system is designed to promote reconciliation and healing. In a palaver-court case, its judges will work with all parties involved to find a resolution that promotes understanding, forgiveness, and mutual respect. This can involve a range of interventions, including mediation, dialogue, and community service.

One of the key advantages of the restorative justice approach is that it can help to reduce conflict and promote social harmony. By promoting understanding and forgiveness, the palaver-court system can help to build stronger, more resilient communities that are better able to manage disputes and conflicts in the future in governing themselves.

As such, the palaver-court system represents a unique and innovative approach to legal decision-making. By emphasising the principles of populocracy, inclusivity, accessibility, and restorative justice, the palaver-court system helps to create a legal system that reflects the values and aspirations of the African region as a whole.

The proposed theory of the institution of lawderly is designed to abolish the institution of the police by providing a humane approach to the business of regulating law and order in human society. While the police are responsible for enforcing the law and maintaining public order, lawderly operates as a neutral and impartial arbitrator of legal disputes, working in harmony with society to ensure that justice is served.

Unlike the police, who are often seen as an adversarial force in society, lawderly operates as an umpire, ensuring that all parties in a legal dispute are heard and that justice is served fairly and impartially. lawderly is associated with the institution of government and with specific specialised training to operate as a neutral party with members of the public in their law administrative duty, working to resolve legal disputes in a manner that is fair, just, and equitable. In a lot of cases, the lawderly would be seen to arbitrate disputes between parties to avoid escalating trivial matters to the palaver-court.

One key advantage of the lawderly system is that it is designed to be more collaborative and participatory than the current police system. Rather than relying on force and coercion to enforce the law, lawderly emphasises dialogue, negotiation, and compromise, working with all parties involved to find a mutually acceptable solution to societal disputes. By promoting collaboration and participation, lawderly can help to reduce tensions between the people in disputes in society and the community and foster a greater sense of trust and cooperation between all parties involved in the legal system.

Another advantage of the lawderly system is that it is designed to be more transparent and accountable than the current police system. lawderly operates in an open and transparent manner, with clear citizenry-prescribed rules and procedures governing its operation. This helps to ensure that all parties involved in a legal dispute are treated fairly and that justice is served in a transparent and impartial manner.

As such, the institution of lawderly represents a new and innovative approach to legal dispute resolution, offering a range of benefits over the traditional police system. By promoting collaboration, participation, transparency, and accountability, lawderly can help to ensure that justice is served fairly and impartially, while also fostering greater trust and cooperation between all parties involved in the legal system.

The police force claims to be an essential part of any functioning society. Their primary role to uphold the law, protect citizens, and maintain order has continually failed to meet the tests for a populocratic society. In recent times, there has been a growing concern that the police force operates as an antagonistic power against society. This is because of the numerous cases of police brutality, racial profiling, collection of bribes so as to keep a blind-eye to criminality, and excessive use of force on ordinary members of society that have been reported in many parts of the world.

The fundamental problem with the current police force model is that it is based on a militarised approach to law enforcement. This approach is characterised by a focus on controlling and suppressing crime rather than preventing it. As a result, police officers are trained to view citizens as potential threats and to use force as a means of maintaining order.

To address this issue, there has been a growing call for the police force to be replaced with an organisation of law arbitrators that would operate as law umpires in harmony with society. The law arbitrators operating as lawderly in the proposed United African States would be trained to see themselves as neutral mediators whose role is to resolve disputes between citizens and to prevent crime from happening in the first place.

Unlike the police force, law arbitrators would not be armed, and their primary role would be to prevent crime and resolve disputes through non-violent means. They would work closely with the community to identify potential sources of conflict and address them before they escalate into violence.

The shift from a police force model to a lawderly law arbitrator model would require significant changes in the way that law enforcement is organised and resourced with operational power. It would require a shift away from a focus on control and suppression and towards prevention and community engagement. It would also require a significant investment in training and resources to ensure that lawderly law arbitrators have the necessary skills and tools to do their job effectively.

As such, replacing the police force with an organisation of lawderly law arbitrators that would operate as law umpires in harmony with society could have a significant positive impact on public safety and community relations. It would create a more just and equitable system of law arbitrators that would be better able to address the root causes of crime and conflict.

Moreover, this new approach to law arbitrators would help to build trust between the justice system and the community, which is currently lacking in many areas. Citizens would feel more comfortable reporting crimes and working with law arbitrators to prevent crime from happening.

Additionally, this new organisation of lawderly law arbitrators could provide more opportunities for people from diverse backgrounds to participate in law arbitration. Unlike the current police force model, which tends to favour individuals with military or law enforcement backgrounds, the law arbitrator model would value individuals with strong communication and conflict resolution skills. This could help to build a more diverse and representative law arbitration organisation.

However, implementing this new model would not be without its challenges. There would be resistance from some quarters, particularly from those who are invested in maintaining the status quo of psychopathy, sociopath or narcissism in human-society everywhere. Citizenry-electorates would as a result be responsible for the funding and resources through their voters’ selection of government policy needed to support this new organisation of lawderly law arbitrators in the United African States.

Nevertheless, the benefits of moving towards a lawderly law umpire model of law arbitration would be significant. It would help to create a more just and equitable system of law arbitrators that would be better able to address the root causes of crime and conflict in our society. Building trust between the justice system and the community would help to create a safer and more harmonious society for all.

Here is a table outlining some key differences between Lawderly and the Police:

Criteria	Lawderly	Police
Role	Law arbitrators/umpires in harmony with society	Enforce the law to maintain order
Authority	Limited authority granted by society	Legally sanctioned authority granted by the government
Use of Force	Minimal use of force to maintain harmony	Authorised to use force, including deadly force, when necessary to enforce the law
Training	Focused on conflict resolution, mediation, and de-escalation techniques	Focused on weapons training, defensive tactics, and enforcement of laws
Accountability	Accountable to society and must adhere to ethical standards	Accountable to the government and must adhere to legal standards
Relationship with Community	Collaborates with the community and works to build trust and mutual respect	Often have strained relationships with communities and are viewed as adversarial
Approach to Crime	Focuses on prevention, education, and rehabilitation	Focuses on deterrence, punishment, and apprehension
Uniforms	May not wear uniforms to avoid intimidating the public	Wear distinctive uniforms to identify themselves and promote visibility
Funding	Resourced by the community, or citizenry-electorates responsible for government policy decisions	Funded by government budgets and taxpayer monies
Legal Authority	Have legal authority to rely on community support and cooperation, and arbitrates where necessary	Has the full force of legal authority, including the ability to make arrests, issue citations, and use force when necessary

It’s important to note that these are generalisations and that there can be a slight variation within each category depending on the specific context and jurisdiction. However, it’s worth noting that the concept of lawderly developed from this manifesto in the transforming structure from ancient African-socialism to the proposed ethnosocialist theory for the United African States. lawderly as a formal institution or law arbitration agency is analogous to the ancient African practices of maintaining law and order in many of the interspersed communities of kingdoms.

However, given the limited authority granted by society to lawderly, I recognise that there will be instances where there would be a need to exert a considerable amount of force to avoid a situation from escalating from causing harm to any member of the public or the lawderly themselves, whether to contain a situation or someone under the influence of drugs, alcohol or mental health issues.

To resolve any perceived concern that may arise in the criticism of lawderly as less equipped to contain the violent situation, I developed a supporting arm group to the institution of lawderly, where this arm-group in itself is not the primary arm of the daily operation of lawderly in an ethnopublic society.

I coined the term ‘Molaw’ from the word ‘Mobile’ and ‘Law’. The word ‘Mobile’ literally means ‘able to move or be moved freely or easily’ and the word ‘Law’ means ‘system of rules which a particular country or community recognises as regulating the actions of its members’.

Both words combined ‘Mobile’ and ‘Law’ make the English word ‘Molaw’ (which means ‘a system of rules that can move or be moved freely or easily’), which I defined simply as ‘a physical system of rules that can move or be transported from one place to another and it’s a closed-system that does not takes responsibility from external sources for its actions.’ In other words, molaw is a self-contained system that can be moved around but is not subject to citizenry-prescribed rules and only governed by the system that created it, i.e the Government.

Molaw is a mobile force that can be moved around by the order of lawderly to de-escalate violent situations but maintains a closed environment to support the lawderly, with their power to exert control by the use of force. This is to demonstrate that molaw are a group relied upon by the lawderly in specific situations to contain potential harm or de-escalate a violent situation for public safety concerns.

Suppose that the regional emergency call handler, under the direction of a lawderly, has received a report of an individual under the influence of drugs, alcohol or mental health issues who is posing a potential danger to themselves or others. The individual is located in a public area and is not responding to verbal requests to calm down or comply with the officer’s orders.

In this scenario, lawderly may choose to deploy a molaw group to contain the situation and prevent it from escalating. The molaw group, being a trained militarised unit, can use their specialised tactics and equipment to subdue the individual and prevent any potential harm on behalf of the lawderly and at the lawderly specific instructions and directions.

However, it is important to note that the use of force with the deployment of molaw would always be a last resort, and efforts to de-escalate the situation and engage with the individual by lawderly would be prioritised before resorting to molaw. Additionally, the use of molaw would only be used in extreme situations where there is a significant risk of harm, and all non-violent options have been exhausted by the lawderly.

However, I provide a general explanation of the difference in capacity and use of force between molaw and militarised soldiers in society. Militarised soldiers are typically members of a nation’s armed forces and undergo extensive training in combat, weapons, tactics, and strategy to defend their country’s interests and engage in armed conflict if necessary. They are equipped with advanced weapons, technology, and equipment to support their mission and have strict rules of engagement for the use of force.

On the other hand, molaw groups are typically composed of civilians who undergo specialised training to enforce the law using tactics and equipment similar to those used by the military. However, their role and capacity are limited compared to militarised soldiers, as they are not trained for combat or warfare and are only authorised to use force in specific situations under strict guidelines and regulated by the secretariat-ministry of HomeLand Affairs.

Additionally, the use of force by molaw groups is typically limited to non-lethal means, such as stun guns, pepper spray, and physical restraint, while militarised soldiers have access to lethal weapons and are authorised to use them in combat situations. Moreover, the rules of engagement for molaw groups are often more restrictive than those for militarised soldiers, as molaw are accountable to the secretariat government authorities and the judicial law of the State presided by the StateLord’s Tribunal of their respective State jurisdiction.

In summary, while both molaw and militarised soldiers undergo specialised training and may use force in specific situations, their capacity and use of force in society differ significantly. molaw groups are below-militarised soldiers in capacity and use of force in society and are subject to stricter rules of engagement and accountability. Therefore, wherever lawderly operates and functions within their jurisdiction, molaw can be deployed to operate there also to enable the lawderly to carry out their public duties in any place.

Here is a table comparing Molaw and Lawderly based on their characteristics:

Characteristics	Molaw	Lawderly
Definition	A militarised group trained to enforce an action without taking direct responsibility for its action.	An arbitrative entity is responsible for maintaining law and orders through dialogue and non-violent means.
Role	Enforce the law in specific situations.	Develop and administer the law in all situations.
Accountability	Subject to secretariat government authorities and the law.	Subject to citizenry-prescribed laws and regulations. When instructed to de-escalate a situation, the instructed lawderly to the molaw to the action takes direct responsibility for the action of molaw in all situations.
Duty	The core duty of the molaw service is to de-escalate the violent behaviour of any person and contain any person to be available for lawderly to perform their public duties.	The core duty of the lawderly service is to protect the public by detecting and preventing crime, and in extreme cases of violent behaviour to call on the molaw to enable them to perform their public duties.
	Powers to de-escalate violent behaviour. This includes a range of powers to use excessive force and to ensure the availability of suspects for lawderly investigation of crime.	Obligation and duties to investigate crime. This includes a range of powers to collect the evidence needed to identify suspects and support their fair and effective trial.
Use of Force	Authorised to use non-lethal force in specific situations.	Does not have the authority to use force by any means.
Training	Specialised training to enforce the law using tactics and equipment similar to those used by the military.	Specialised training to administer the law using dialogue, negotiation, and compromise similar to those used by arbitrators.
Capacity	Limited capacity compared to militarised soldiers, as they are not trained for combat or warfare.	Limited capacity compared to palaver-courts, as they are not trained to make decisions on disputes based on the evidence presented by the parties.
Accessibility	Molaw operates in a closed-office system and is closed to direct engagement with any member of the public.	Lawderly operates in an open-office system and is open to direct engagement with members of the public.
Instruction	Molaw only takes their direction from lawderly to carry out a de-escalation exercise in any place.	Lawderly issue direction that instructs molaw to carry out a de-escalation exercise in any place.
Authority	The Executive branch through secretariat regulatory-power selects the rules by which molaw policies and molaw officials operate, function and are regulated.	The Citizenry-branch through the citizenry populocratic process selects the rules by which lawderly policies and lawderly officials operate, function and are regulated.
Governance	Molaw is governed by both Judicial powers and Executive discretions to execute its public duties under the jurisdictional function of the lawderly.	Lawderly is governed by both citizenry law and Judicial powers to execute its public functions under the regulatory-control of the Executive branch.
Obligatory Responsibility	Molaw has a direct obligation to lawderly and the use of molaw power must comply with lawderly instruction. As such, molaw may not take direct responsibility for each of their action in a court of law.	Lawderly have direct obligation to their service-community with full compliance to human rights laws. As such, Lawderly take direct responsibility for their actions or inaction in the court of law.
Powers	Molaw operates a place of detention only in closed-condition but can only detain any person at the instruction of the lawderly.	Lawderly operates a place of detention only in open-condition but may exercise discretion to detain any person suspected of flight risk or antisocial behaviour in the custody of Molaw.
	Powers to prevent crime. This includes a range of powers to contain violence, demand compliance of any person and zero tolerance for violence from any person.	Powers to arbitrate a dispute. This includes a range of powers to maintain public order, prevent anti-social behaviour and manage known offenders/ suspects.
	Molaw employs force techniques through physical contact with suspects to cause the inevitable compliance of suspects throughout the lawderly investigation process.	Lawderly employs persuasive techniques through oral communication with the suspect to enable easy and free compliance of suspects throughout the investigation process.

It is important to note that the use of molaw or any militarised group to enforce the law would remain closely monitored by the secretariat-ministry of HomeLand Affairs. The accountability of molaw is in theory a grey area and an ill-defined situation or area of activity not readily conforming to a category or set of rules, especially when it comes to the use of force.

Nevertheless, the role of molaw is necessary in a populocratic society and is indeed designed to place individuals in the foreknowledge not to put themselves in a situation where the lawderly would be forced to require the attendance of molaw in carrying out their public duties in the public interest.

Therefore, as stated in the table, if the molaw is instructed to de-escalate a situation, at least an instructed lawderly or group of lawderly who instructed the molaw to the action takes responsibility for the action of molaw in all situations. This accountability ensures that the use of force by molaw is subject to oversight, transparency, and legality. Both the lawderly and the molaw are individually responsible for ensuring their use of their powers is lawful, proportionate and necessary.

The proposed theory of the Redeem system in an ethnopublic nation represents a fundamentally different approach to the Prison system in republican nations. In contrast to the republican prison system, which is typically characterised by a closed, hierarchical structure and with work-ethics analogous to slavery in which individuals are coerced to work for almost nothing for the monetary benefit of the Prison system.

The Redeem system is designed to be more open, participatory and with capitalist work-ethics in which inmates are responsible to earn their income within the limitation of the erratic and constant fluctuating value of money for their welfare such as housing, foods, toiletries, everything and anything, throughout their redemption days.

Specifically, the Redeem system is based on the idea of an open custodial society, which allows confined individuals to live in a dictatorship governmental structure with a head of Redeem system appointed and regulated by the secretariat-ministry of HomeLand Affairs of the United African States. Inmates participate in the economic activities within the Redeem institution to meet their welfare, and the custodial society operates with a Police Force system with an internal Prison system to keep the Redeem law and order within the institution.

The internal governance structure of the Redeem system is designed to be more autocratic, with confined individuals subject to the imposed governing policies and procedures that affect their daily lives by the secretariat appointed head of Redeem institution.

While the Redeem system is characterised by a form of dictatorship, where the institution is run by a single leader with a sub-group of appointed leaders in a bureaucratic mode of organisation and each has ultimate authority over the confined individuals, this approach is designed to ensure that the institution operates in a disciplined and orderly manner, with clear rules and regulations that are enforced consistently within the custodial society.

One of the key advantages of the Redeem system is that it is designed to promote redemption and rehabilitation, rather than punishment and isolation. In the republican prison system, confined individuals are often isolated from society and subjected to harsh conditions that can be detrimental to their mental and physical health. In contrast, the Redeem system is designed to provide confined individuals with opportunities for education, training, and personal growth.

Confined individuals within Redeem institution are encouraged to take an active role in their rehabilitation, participating in activities such as vocational training, counselling, and community service, within the societal condition of the capitalist economic system, Police force, and Prison system for those who offend within Redeem institution, the republican court system, bureaucracy, and dictatorship form of governance.

Moreover, the Redeem system is designed to be more humane and compassionate than the current prison system. Confined individuals are treated with respect and dignity, and are provided with opportunities to take control over their welfare and to be provided with jobs opportunities to earn their income in monetary terms, to be able to afford to live life on their terms and cater for their food, shelter, and be able to afford to pay for their medical care if one wishes to do so. Redeem institutions provide opportunities for choice as a price to pay for offending the law of a civilised ethnopublican society.

The goal of the Redeem system is not to punish or stigmatise confined individuals, but to help them to reflect on where they came from as Africans and where we at, so individuals can become more productive and responsible members of society.

As such, the Redeem system represents a new and innovative approach to custodial socialism. By emphasising openness, participation by choice, and rehabilitation through lived reflections, the Redeem system offers a more humane and effective alternative to the current prison system.

In addition to promoting rehabilitation and redemption, the Redeem system is also designed to reduce recidivism rates. Studies have shown that the current prison systems often fail to address the underlying causes of criminal behaviour, which can lead to a cycle of reoffending. In contrast, the Redeem system focuses on providing confined individuals with the tools and resources they need to overcome the factors that led to their incarceration in the first place. This can include education, job training, counselling, lived-life experiences by choice and other forms of support.

By addressing the root causes of criminal behaviour, the Redeem system helps to break the cycle of recidivism, reducing the likelihood that confined individuals will re-offend after their release. This not only benefits the confined individuals themselves but also contributes to public safety by reducing the overall crime rate.

Another key advantage of the Redeem system is that it is designed to be more cost-effective with the use of fewer resources than the current prison system. The current prisons are often overcrowded and under-resourced, with limited opportunities for education and rehabilitation. This leads to higher rates of violence, disciplinary problems, and other issues.

In contrast, the Redeem system is designed to be more efficient and effective, with a greater emphasis on rehabilitation and support. By providing confined individuals with the tools and resources they need to succeed, the Redeem system can help to reduce the resources associated with long-term incarceration, such as healthcare, housing, and staffing at the expense of the State.

Therefore, the Redeem system represents a new and innovative approach to custodial practices that offers a range of benefits over the current prison system. By emphasising openness, participation by choice, and rehabilitation, the Redeem system can help to promote redemption, reduce recidivism, and improve public safety, all while reducing costs and promoting social justice.

Govoxical Reality, Altruist Relations and Social Justice

The concept of govoxical reality refers to the idea that the voice of the governed people is the ultimate authority, and decisions made by the government should be based on the will of the majority. This concept is closely linked to the idea of populocracy, where the rule of government is governed by the people and for the people. In this manifesto, I explore the concept of govoxical reality and its relation to altruist relations and social justice.

The concept of govoxical reality implies that the voice of the citizenry majority should guide the decision-making process of the government. This means that the government should be accountable to the people and should work towards meeting the needs of the citizenry majority as a priority.

However, it is important to note that govoxical reality is not just about the citizenry majority, but also about the marginalised and vulnerable populations. The government should also take into account the needs and perspectives of these groups when proposing policy-making decisions for citizenry voters’ selection of government policy.

Altruist relations refer to relationships that are based on selflessness and concern for the well-being of others. In the context of govoxical reality, altruist relations are crucial for ensuring that the government is working towards the greater good in the daily lives of the governed people. When the government prioritises the needs of the majority in its implementation of citizenry policy, it is important to ensure that the needs of the marginalised populations are not ignored. Altruistic relations between the government and the governed people ensure that the needs of the marginalised populations are also taken into account.

Social justice refers to the idea that every individual should have access to the same opportunities and resources, regardless of their economic contribution or social status in their society. In the context of govoxical reality, social justice is a key aspect of ensuring that the government is working towards the greater good of its citizenry society. The Commicratic-Departments of government should strive to propose policies that promote equality and equity, and that ensures that every individual has access to the resources they need to thrive.

As such, govoxical reality, altruist relations, and social justice are closely linked concepts that are crucial for ensuring that both the government and the governed have a shared-responsibility in the governance of their society and both are working towards the greater good for the people as a whole. The voice of the governed people should guide the decision-making process of the government, but this should not come at the expense of marginalised populations. Altruist relations between the government and these populations can help to ensure that their needs are taken into account.

Additionally, social justice is a key aspect of ensuring that every individual has access to the resources they need to thrive and live comfortable lives. By prioritising these concepts in our social and economic practices, we can create an ethnosocialist society that is more just and equitable for all.

The concept of justice is fundamental to any ethnosocialist society, and it has two dimensions: social justice and govoxical justice. Social justice concerns itself with how well members of society cooperate with one another as a collective to meet their individual interests within the basic structure of an ethnosocialist society.

On the other hand, govoxical justice is concerned with how far both the government and the governed people share power in controlling the shape of that basic structure of collective-individualism. While these two ideals are not in competition, I asked myself the simple question: How could govoxical justice be balanced in proportion with social justice in all versions of populocracy?

The definition of populocracy refers to a form of government where the rule of government power is held by the governed people, balancing govoxical justice and social justice is crucial to ensuring a fair and just ethnosocialist society. To achieve a balance between govoxical justice and social justice in populocracy, the following steps are proposed to be taken:

1. Empowering citizens: Populocracy emphasises citizens’ direct participation in government policy decision-making. This means that citizens should be empowered to make informed decisions on policies that affect their lives. They should have access to information, education, and resources that enable them to participate meaningfully in the populocratic process.

2. Ensuring accountability: In a populocracy, it is essential to ensure that those with government power are accountable to the people, and the people with the power of citizenry-electorates are accountable to the government. This requires transparent and fair electoral processes, an impartial judiciary, and free independent Advisory-bodies that can investigate and report on both the actions of the collective of people on the one hand and government actions on the other.

3. Promoting equal representation: The government should reflect the diversity of its population in its policy proposal to the people, with adequate representation of all groups in society. This includes not only demographic diversity but also the representation of different social, economic, and govoxical interests.

4. Encouraging dialogue and compromise: Populocracy requires a culture of dialogue and compromise. Advisory-bodies should be equipped with the resources they require to drive citizens’ encouragement to engage in civil discourse and seek common ground to resolve conflicts. Government-centred Commicratic-Departments officials should also be willing to listen to and work with the discordants to find policy solutions that benefit both the government and all citizens.

5. Balancing individual and collective interests: In a populocracy, both the government policy proposal and implementation performance should balance individual rights with the collective good. This requires careful consideration of policies that promote both social justice and govoxical justice. Policies that advance one at the expense of the other should be avoided.

6. Reducing economic inequality: Economic inequality can undermine both social justice and govoxical justice in a populocracy. The government should, therefore, prioritise proposals of policies that reduce economic inequality, such as progressive Corporatist Service Provision CSP, social welfare programs, and labour promotions. This can help ensure that all citizens have an equal opportunity to participate in government policy decision-making and benefit from the collective resources of society.

7. Protecting civil liberties: Populocracy can sometimes lead to the tyranny of the majority, where the majority imposes its will on minority groups. Protecting civil liberties and individual rights is crucial to ensuring that all citizens are treated fairly and with respect. The government should, therefore, protect fundamental rights such as freedom of speech, assembly, and religion, as well as the rights of minority groups.

8. Maintaining the rule of law: The rule of law is essential in any ethnosocialist society, including populocracy. This means that the supervisory-division of government should adhere to the ethnopublic Constitution and the national laws of the land above exercising discretions in state-centred judicial rulings. The judiciary should exercise its supervisory powers over the affairs of the administrative-division of government, and both the government and the people should be subject to the same citizenry-prescribed laws.

9. Prioritising environmental sustainability: Environmental sustainability is crucial to ensuring that future generations can also benefit from a fair and just society. The government should, therefore, prioritise proposals of policies that promote environmental sustainability and reduce the negative impact of human activities on the environment.

10. Continuous review and improvement: Achieving a balance between govoxical justice and social justice is not a one-time event but requires continuous review and improvement. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, regularly evaluate its past policies and accepted practices to ensure that they are aligned with the principles of govoxical justice and social justice that promotes equality among people at the present time.

11. Promoting education and critical thinking: Education is crucial to ensuring that citizens can fully participate in a populocracy. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, prioritise the proposal of education policies that promote critical thinking, civic engagement, and informed decision-making. This can promote a culture that guides citizens to make informed choices and hold government officials accountable.

12. Supporting civil society organisations: Civil society organisations are predominantly independent Advisory-bodies and they are non-governmental organisations, community-based organisations, and advocacy groups that play a crucial role in promoting social justice and govoxical justice. The secretariat government should, therefore, support these organisations and ensure that they have the resources they need to promote their agendas.

13. Encouraging transparency: Transparency is crucial to ensuring accountability and trust in government. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, prioritise the proposal of policies that promotes transparency in citizenry selection of government policy in decision-making, such as public access to information and disclosure of government activities. The secretariat-ministry of HomeLand Affairs would be responsible for disclosure of secretariat government activities wherever it is requested, and both the Deputy Economy Prime-minister and Deputy Citizenry Prime-minister would be responsible for disclosure of each of their branches of government activities respectively wherever it is requested, and the judiciary government activities of the StateLords would remain publicly accessible and not required request for disclosure.

14. Fostering social cohesion: Promoting a socially cohesive culture is essential to ensuring that citizens can work together as a collective to achieve their individual common goals. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, prioritise proposals of policies that promote social cohesion, such as supporting community development initiatives and promoting social integration.

15. Maintaining a long-term perspective: The persistent will of the people to promote ideas that create the condition of life going well for them can sometimes if not often, focus the citizenry’s collective drive of populocracy to focus too heavily on short-term gains at the expense of long-term sustainability. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, maintain a long-term perspective when developing policy decisions and prioritise proposals of policies that promote sustainable development and the well-being of future generations.

16. Emphasising diversity and inclusion: Populocracy should strive to promote diversity and inclusion in all aspects of society, especially through identifying and meeting the needs of migrants and non-native cultures cohabiting within their regions in regional citizenry voters’ selection of government policies. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, prioritise policies that promote diversity and inclusion, such as affirmative action and anti-discrimination measures. This can help ensure that all citizens have equal opportunities and can participate fully in the populocratic process.

17. Encouraging citizen participation: Populocracy should strive to promote citizen participation in all aspects of government and society. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, prioritise policies that encourage citizen participation, such as Advisory-bodies’ participatory training and education including citizen participation in public-juries activities at their respective regional palaver-courts. This can help ensure that citizens have a voice in decision-making in all aspects of their society and can hold government officials accountable and at the same time make their regional actions accountable to the government.

18. Ensuring access to free basic human necessities: Populocracy should strive to ensure that all citizens have access to free basic human needs such as food, toiletries, healthcare, education, and housing. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, prioritise proposals of policies that ensure access to these basic needs, such as free universal healthcare, free housing and free basic necessities. This can help ensure that all citizens have an equal opportunity to participate in the populocratic process and benefit from the collective resources of their society.

19. Promoting international cooperation: Populocracy should strive to promote international cooperation and collaboration in solving global problems such as climate change and economic inequality. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, prioritise proposals of government policies that promote international cooperation and collaboration, such as participating in global activities and working with international organisations. This can help ensure that the national populocracy form of governance is not isolated from its global community and can benefit from its global solutions to strengthen its national developmental efforts.

20. Balancing short-term and long-term interests: Populocracy should strive to balance short-term and long-term interests in decision-making. The Commicratic-Departments of government should, therefore, prioritise policies that promote sustainable development and long-term planning, whereby conditions could be placed on policy decisions to provide an allowance for different contingencies in making one policy decision resolve multiple solutions all at once or counteract unintended consequences as they arise. This can help ensure that populocracy is not focused solely on short-term gains and can ensure the well-being of future generations or in times of emergency.

Therefore, achieving a balance between govoxical justice and social justice in populocracy requires a multi-dimensional approach that involves empowering citizens, ensuring accountability, promoting equal representation, encouraging dialogue and compromise, balancing individual and collective interests, reducing economic inequality, protecting civil liberties, maintaining the rule of law, prioritising environmental sustainability, continuous review and improvement, promoting education and critical thinking, supporting civil society organisations, encouraging transparency, fostering social cohesion, maintaining a long-term perspective, emphasising diversity and inclusion, encouraging citizen participation, ensuring access to free basic necessities, promoting international cooperation, and balancing short-term and long-term interests.

Populocracy is a system of government that is based on the principle of govox-populi, where the voice of the people is the ultimate authority. In a populocratic society, the government is accountable to the people and the people with the power of citizenry-electorates are accountable to the government, and decisions are made based on the will of the citizenry majority. This system of government prioritises govoxical justice in particular to provide equal opportunities of social justice for the people as a whole, as it gives the State legislative power to the governed people to shape the basic structure of their society and resolve their own caused social problems.

One theoretical argument for the priority of govoxical justice is that it is the foundation of populocracy. Populocracy is a system of government that gives power to the governed people to elect their leaders and as well as shape the policies of their country. Without govoxical justice, the voice of the governed people would be ignored by the government, and decisions would be made by a small group of people with power and influence in government. This would result in a representative-democracy form of government or indirect-democracy so-called, that does not reflect the will of the governed people in society.

Another argument for the priority of govoxical justice is that it is necessary for social justice to exist. In a society where the government and the governed people have shared control of State power in shaping the basic structure of their society, policies that would develop from such a state of affairs would focus on the promotion of social justice. For example, a government that is accountable to the people would be obliged to create policies that promote equality and equity, and ensure that every individual has access to the resources they need to thrive. This would result in a society that is just and equitable for all.

Furthermore, prioritising govoxical justice in a populocratic society ensures that the government is responsive to the needs and demands of the people. As the government is accountable to the people, it must listen to their voices and act in their best interests. This ensures that the government is working towards the greater good, and that implementation performance and proposal of policies are created that reflect the needs of the citizenry majority.

As such, the priority of govoxical justice in all versions of populocracy is essential for creating a just and equitable society. By giving power to the people to shape the basic structure of their society, the government can create policies that promote social justice and ensure that every individual has access to the resources they need to thrive. Prioritising govoxical justice ensures that the government is responsive to the needs of the people and is working towards the greater good.

However, one may argue that prioritising govoxical justice can lead to the neglect of social justice. In a populocratic society, the will of the majority may not always align with the needs of marginalised groups. For example, if the majority of people in a society do not prioritise the needs of disabled individuals, policies may not be created that promote their rights and access to resources.

To address this issue, it is essential to recognise that prioritising govoxical justice does not mean neglecting social justice. Instead, it means creating a society where the government and the people work together to create policies that promote both govoxical justice and social justice. In a populocratic society, it is necessary to create mechanisms for the voices of marginalised groups to be heard and to ensure that policies are created that address their needs.

Furthermore, prioritising govoxical justice does not mean creating a society where the citizenry majority always rules in policy decision-making. It means creating a society where every individual has an equal voice and an equal say as a collective in shaping the basic structure of their society that meets the needs of their individualism directly. In a populocratic society, decisions are made based on the will of the citizenry majority in an elective-process, but the rights and needs of minority groups are still protected.

As such, while prioritising govoxical justice is essential for creating a just and equitable society, it is important to recognise that social justice must also be prioritised for a successful and populocratic govoxical justice to thrive. In a populocratic society, mechanisms must be put in place to ensure that the voices of marginalised groups are heard and that policies are created that address their needs. By working together to prioritise both govoxical justice and social justice, we can create a society that is just and equitable for all.

Social relations are crucial for building and maintaining successful societies. When people interact with one another, they form networks of relationships that can have a significant impact on their lives and the communities they belong to. These relationships can take many forms, including friendships, family ties, professional connections, and civic engagement.

One of the main reasons social relations matter for govoxical and successful societies is that they help to create a sense of belonging and social cohesion. When people feel connected to others and have a sense of community, they are more likely to work together to achieve common goals and solve problems. This can lead to increased cooperation, trust, and a sense of shared responsibility for the well-being of the group.

Social relations can also promote economic prosperity and innovation. In societies where the institution of Advisory-bodies promotes the culture of strong social networks for people to form collective solidarity to meet their individual goals, they can share information, resources, and ideas more easily. This can lead to more entrepreneurship, knowledge-sharing, and collaboration, which can fuel regional economic growth and national development from the bottom-up.

Furthermore, social relations can also have a positive impact on individual health and well-being. Research has shown that people who have strong social connections tend to have lower rates of depression, anxiety, and other mental health issues. They may also have better physical health outcomes, such as lower rates of chronic diseases and longer lifespans. As such, building and strengthening social connections should be a priority for Advisory-bodies within their respective regional-communities and Commicratic-Departments of government’s policymakers alike, as they can have far-reaching benefits for individuals and society as a whole.

Another way that social relations contribute to successful societies is by promoting social resources, such as trust, norms of reciprocity, and networks, that facilitate cooperation and coordination among individuals and groups. When people have social resources, they are more likely to engage in civic and govoxical activities, such as voting, volunteering, and participating in community organisations. This, in turn, can lead to more effective governance, stronger institutions, and more vibrant civil society.

On the other hand, weak or fragmented social relations can have negative consequences for societies. When people feel isolated and disconnected from others, they may be less likely to trust and cooperate with others, leading to a breakdown in social resources and increased risk tolerance to social conflict. This can undermine the functioning of institutions and lead to govoxical instability and social unrest.

Therefore, investing in social relations is crucial for building and maintaining successful societies. This can involve policies and programs that promote community-building, such as the provision of resources to build and maintain local organisations, community centres, and public spaces that foster social interactions. It can also involve efforts to monitor equality provisions across regions and promote social mobility, as inequalities and lack of opportunities in individuals’ efforts to build up their Corporatist Service Provision CSP credits, beyond the free basic necessities that entitlement-chip provides, can create barriers to building social connections and social resources.

Social relations are a vital component of govoxical and successful societies. By promoting social cohesion, economic prosperity, individual well-being, and social resources, strong social relations can contribute to the overall health and vibrancy of regional-communities within the United African States. As such, government Commicratic-Departments’ policymakers, independent Advisory-bodies, and individuals should prioritise building and maintaining social connections to ensure a bright and prosperous future for all.

Incorporating richer conceptions of social relations in practice can benefit govox-populi in several ways. By understanding the importance of social relations and how they contribute to successful societies, govox-populi can produce the proposal of policies and programs that foster social connections and social resources, leading to more vibrant and resilient regional-communities.

Firstly, govox-populi can leverage social relations to promote more effective governance and public policy. By building networks of trust and cooperation between citizens through the activities of Advisory-bodies, government Commicratic-Departments’ policymakers, and other public officials, govox-populi can produce a more collaborative and participatory citizenry decision-making process that reflects the needs and preferences of regional-communities. This can lead to more effective and responsive policies that are grounded in the lived experiences of citizens.

Secondly, govox-populi can use social relations to promote regional economic growth for national development. By equipping Advisory-bodies to promote social networks and providing education and training to promote the culture of open-access to knowledge-sharing, govox-populi can create a more innovative and entrepreneurial economy from the bottom-up. This can lead to more job creation, increased productivity, and higher levels of economic prosperity for all members of society.

Thirdly, govox-populi can use social relations to promote social inclusion and reduce inequality. By fostering social connections between people from diverse backgrounds and promoting social mobility, govox-populi can create a more just and equitable society. This can lead to increased social cohesion and a sense of shared responsibility for the well-being of all members of society.

Therefore, incorporating richer conceptions of social relations in practice can help govox-populi to create more effective and sustainable policies and programs that address the complex social, economic, and governmental challenges of the 21st-century. By prioritising social connections and social resources, govox-populi can build stronger and more resilient communities that are better equipped to tackle the challenges of the future.

Moreover, incorporating richer conceptions of social relations in practice can also lead to better outcomes in areas such as health, education, and crime prevention. By recognising the importance of social relationships in these areas, govox-populi can design proposals for policies and programs that leverage social connections to promote positive outcomes.

For example, in the field of health, research has shown that social relationships play a critical role in promoting health and well-being. By incorporating social interventions that promote social connections and support networks, govox-populi can create healthier communities and reduce the burden of chronic diseases such as depression, anxiety, and obesity.

Similarly, in the field of education, social relationships are essential for promoting academic achievement and social-emotional development. By creating school environments that prioritise social connections and positive relationships between students, teachers, and parents, govox-populi can improve academic outcomes and create a more positive and inclusive school culture.

Finally, in the field of crime prevention, social relations can be used to promote community safety and reduce crime rates. By creating social networks that facilitate communication and cooperation between law enforcement, community organisations, and citizens, govox-populi can create safer and more resilient communities that are better able to prevent and respond to crime.

In conclusion, incorporating richer conceptions of social relations in practice can have significant benefits for govox-populi in a range of areas. By prioritising social connections and social resources, govox-populi can create more effective, sustainable, and equitable policies and programs that promote the well-being of all members of society.

CHAPTER FIVE

EGALITARIAN SOCIETY OF ETHNOSOCIALISM

If we agree that by “egalitarian society,” we mean a society where all individuals have equal opportunities and rights and with the equalisation of social and economic classes into groups; and that by “non-monetary economy” under ethnosocialism, we mean an economic system where money is not used as a means of exchange, the following are some possible ways that my proposed ethnosocialist system proposed to achieve an egalitarian society in the United African States:

1. Ethnopublic Nationalism: Ethnopublic nationalism aims to promote the interests of the entire population, rather than a particular ethnic or cultural group. By embracing diversity and inclusivity where all the different ethnic groups unite as a nation with shared governance to achieve their common interests, this ideology helps to create a more egalitarian society.

2. Populocracy: Populocracy is a form of governance that emphasises representative-populocracy and the citizenry’s direct participation in the day-to-day government policy decision-making in an elective-process, where the government rule is governed by the citizenry majority. By giving the citizenry-electorates the State legislative power over the government decision-making process, this system could help to promote equality and prevent the concentration of State power in the hands of a few.

3. Commicracy: Commicracy is a mode of organisation that prioritises collective work-ethics over individual interests. By encouraging cooperation and collaboration among members of society in a horizontal organisation structure, this system helps to create a more egalitarian and collective culture in society.

4. Ethno-Corporatism: Ethno-corporatism is an economic system that seeks to balance the interests of different economic needs to survive from individualism to collectivism within a society. By ensuring that all economic workers have equal access to all the products and services they need to live a comfortable life regardless of their occupation or social status, this system helps to promote equality and prevent the dominance of any one group to own the mode of economic production to the disadvantage of others in society.

5. Govox-Populi: Govox-Populi is an administrative system of government that emphasises the importance of shared governance between the government and the collective will of the governed people to govern themselves. By ensuring that state-centred decisions are made based on the interests and needs of the citizenry majority, this system could help to promote equality and prevent the exploitation of marginalised groups.

6. Resource-Based Economy: A resource-based economy is an economic system that emphasises the efficient use of natural and technological resources to meet the needs of all individuals. In a resource-based economy, goods and services are produced based on actual demand in a trade-economy rather than for monetary profit, and not for a calculated or random supply of products and services to be sought for its spontaneous demand in a market-economy. This system could help to eliminate the disparities in wealth and power that often arise in monetary economic systems.

7. Participatory Budgeting: Participatory budgeting is a populocratic process that allows citizenry-electorates to decide how their society’s public funds and national resources are allocated. By giving the citizenry-electorates the government power in the decision-making process, this system could help to promote equality and ensure that resources are distributed fairly in ways that meet the direct needs of the citizenry majority, and not of the elites with the power and influence in government.
8. Education and Empowerment: Education and empowerment are critical to achieving an egalitarian society. By providing access to education and promoting the development of critical thinking skills, individuals can gain the knowledge and tools they need to advocate for themselves and their communities. This can help to level the playing field and prevent the concentration of intellectual power in the hands of a few in the manner of expert advisers.

9. Universal Basic Entitlement: Universal basic entitlement is a system in which all individuals have equal access to free basic necessities such as food, clothing and housing from the government through the provision of entitlement-chip cards as a mandatory provision to all citizens regardless of economic status. This system helps to provide a basic standard of living for all individuals, regardless of their socio-economic status. By ensuring that all individuals have access to the basic resources they need to survive, this system helps to promote equality and prevent poverty.

As such, the combination of the above principles could create a society that values diversity, cooperation, and the collective well-being of its members. While there are no guarantees that any system will achieve perfect equality, these principles could help to promote a more egalitarian society where literally everyone in society would have equal access to basic necessities to survive regardless of their socio-economic status, than one based on the current global capitalist principles that require everyone to must have money to afford basic necessities for the simple will to live and survive.

For example, in an ethnosocialist non-monetary economy, products and services would be distributed based on need rather than wealth. This help to create a more egalitarian society by ensuring that all individuals have equal access to the basic necessities they need to live and survive. Additionally, this non-monetary economy eliminates the disparities in wealth and power that are often associated with monetary systems.

Therefore, achieving an egalitarian society in a non-monetary economy would require a combination of govoxical, economic, and social factors. The principles of ethnopublic nationalism, populocracy, commicracy, ethno-corporatism, and govox-populi could help to promote a more egalitarian society by prioritising the collective well-being of all individuals. Additionally, a resource-based economy, participatory budgeting, education and empowerment, and universal basic entitlement could help to eliminate the disparities in wealth and power that often arise in monetary systems.

Establishing an egalitarian society in the context of the transformation from a political system and capitalism to a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require a significant shift in the underlying values, beliefs, and structures that shapes our African societies. The following are some of the key components that would need to be transformed to achieve this shift:

1. Power dynamics: A govoxical system would require a significant shift in power dynamics in government. Rather than a small elite holding the majority of the power of government, citizenry-electorates would need to hold the State legislative power and make laws, selection of government policies in an elective-process, and other state-centred decisions; the judicial-branch of government would need to be upgraded to the supervisory role of the State over all other branches of government; an economy-branch of government would need to be created and having a shared legislative power with the citizenry-electorates both of which are now grouped under the legislative-branch of government – one for social affairs and the other for economic affairs but overlaps in many areas; and the executive-branch of government would remain the head of government over both the economist and the citizenry and all are subject to the supervision of the judiciary. This is the required fundamental shift in the way the theory of ethnosocialism thinks about how to achieve an egalitarian form of power and governance in human-society.

2. Economic structures: Ethno-corporatism would require a rethinking of our economic structures. Rather than prioritising profit and competition, this system would prioritise cooperation and collaboration on matters of the national economy from regional levels. This would require a shift in the way we value products and services and the way we allocate resources.

3. Cultural values: A govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require a significant shift in cultural values. Rather than prioritising individualism and competition, we would need to prioritise collectivism and cooperation. This would require a fundamental shift in the way we think about success and achievement.

4. Education and awareness: Achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require a significant investment in education and awareness-raising. Individuals would need to be educated about the benefits of these systems and the values that underpin them. This would require a shift in the way we approach education and the way we think about the role of government in promoting social change.

5. Structural changes: Achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require structural changes at every level of society. This would require a rethinking of our govoxical, economic, social, and cultural structures. It would also require a commitment to ongoing evaluation and adaptation to ensure that these structures are working as intended.

6. Grassroots Assembly: Achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would also require grassroots assembling where independent Advisory-bodies occupy. This would involve individuals and communities using Advisory-bodies as a platform to come together as a social movement to garner majority support for a policy change. Advisory-bodies are independent organisations and will have offices open to the general public located across regional-communities, and with a wide online presence. They function as the grassroots assembly for the State with a focus on addressing current challenges developing within their regions to the attention of the relevant government Commicratic-Departments. They will help individuals and communities in areas of effective solutions on how to challenge existing policy and promote the values of collectivism and cooperation within their regions. Grassroots assembly help to create a groundswell of support for ethnosocialist systems and provide the impetus for structural monitoring and development from the bottom-up.

7. Legal and institutional changes: Achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would also require legal and institutional changes. This would involve changing laws and policies to promote the values of equality and cooperation. It would also involve creating new institutions that prioritise collective decision-making and resource allocation.

8. International cooperation: Achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require international cooperation and solidarity. This would involve building alliances and partnerships with other countries and communities that share these values. It would also involve promoting the principles of equality and cooperation on a global scale.

9. Technology and innovation: Technology and innovation could also play a critical role in achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism. New technologies and innovations could help to promote resource efficiency, facilitate collective decision-making, and create new forms of collaboration and cooperation.

10. Inclusivity and diversity: Achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require a commitment to inclusivity and diversity. This would involve creating spaces and structures that prioritise the voices and perspectives of marginalized and under-represented groups. It would also involve promoting cultural exchange and dialogue to foster greater understanding and appreciation of diverse perspectives within regions.

11. Community building: Achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require a commitment to restructuring regional-community relations and promoting a commicratic rules-of-engagement with a collective structural interaction. This would involve creating spaces and structures that promote cooperation and collaboration among different ethnic or cultural groups. It would also involve fostering a sense of shared purpose and collective identity.

12. Evaluation and adaptation: Achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require a commitment to ongoing evaluation and adaptation. This would involve regularly assessing the effectiveness of the systems and structures that have been put in place and making adjustments as necessary. It would also involve a willingness to innovate and experiment with new ways of doing things and resource allocation.

Therefore, transforming from a political system and capitalism to a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require a fundamental shift in the way we think about power in government and economics that affects the daily lives of people in society, culture, education, and social structures. It would require a commitment to ongoing evaluation and adaptation to ensure that these structures are working as intended. It would also require a collective commitment to building a more just and equitable society for all.

As such, transforming from a political system and capitalism to a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require a wide range of changes across multiple sectors. Achieving this transformation might appear challenging process in theory, but the practical benefits in terms of creating a more just and sustainable African world are significant. Therefore, achieving a govoxical system and ethno-corporatism would require a multifaceted approach that prioritises inclusivity, diversity, community building, and ongoing evaluation and adaptation.

Establishing an egalitarian society in the context of the divided African nations uniting as a single nation under the theory of ethnosocialism would require a deep commitment to social justice and equality. This would involve creating a society where all individuals have access to free basic necessities such as food, water, shelter, healthcare, and education, regardless of their socio-economic status or background.

Here are some steps that I proposed to contribute to the goal of establishing an egalitarian society in the United African States, to contribute to the goal of the entirety of this manifesto:

1. Building solidarity and trust: African nations would need to build trust and solidarity with one another to create a strong foundation beyond the intergovernmental relations they are currently practising under the African-Union (AU) member States, to the Pan-African unity for United African States (UAS). This would involve promoting deep-rooted exchange for that dialogue of unity which will proceed from a deep recognition of how Africans are portrayed in the global world and confidence in the ultimate victory to take back control of our natural resources and creates a better world for African people and future generations to come. For that genuine dialogue to take place, all African leaders within the continent must apply to the African continent the word ‘unity’; we must relinquish our individualistic interests and seek collective interests and goals that benefit all African citizens as a whole, namely in the spirit of Pan-Africanism itself and as well as creating economic and social integration for the United African States.

2. Disengaging dependency on external powers: African nations would need to disengage their individualistic dependency on external powers and assert their agency and sovereignty to establish the United African States (UAS). This would involve developing national industries and distributing resources across Africa, as well as creating regional economic integration that prioritises self-sufficiency subsistence economy within the United African States.

3. Strengthening governance structures: United African States would need to strengthen their governance structures to create a more just and equitable society for all. This would involve establishing the structure of populocratic governance, human rights laws, and social justice principles, as well as investing resources in free education, free healthcare, and social welfare programs.

4. Establishing inclusive economic development: United African States would need to establish inclusive economic development to ensure that all citizens benefit from national economic growth. This would involve rapid facilitation of the early development and franchise of all major foreign industries to African free-consumable economy as State-owned, and for the State to act as the Master-Franchise to all industries and trade in Africa, and to oversee the licencing of every line of trade and industry and mergers to citizenry trade-owners and manufacturers of goods and services that would be regulated nationally under the Economy-branch of government.

5. Embracing African values and traditions: the United African States would need to embrace and celebrate their unique cultural heritage to build a sense of shared identity and purpose. This could involve promoting traditional values such as indigenous culture and traditions, community, cooperation, and respect for the environment.

6. Instituting regional structures: the United African States would institute regional-Commissions in each regional-community to provision direct economic needs and achieve greater govoxical participation. This would involve transforming existing local government offices and buildings into citizenry-centred Commissions in each region.

7. Investing in technology and innovation: the United African States would invest in technology and innovation to spur economic growth and development. This would involve creating incentives for technological innovation and research, as well as promoting the adoption of new technologies in various sectors of the national economy.

8. Addressing environmental challenges: United African States would need to address environmental challenges to promote sustainable development and protect the environment. This would involve investing in renewable energy, promoting sustainable agriculture practices, and addressing climate change.

9. Educating and empowering citizens: United African States would educate and empower its citizens to build a more engaged and active citizenry in what it means to revive African corporatist morales. This would involve investing in education and promoting civic participation in govoxical affairs, as well as equipping Advisory-bodies to create opportunities for citizen-led initiatives and community development.

10. Promoting gender equality: the United African States would need to promote gender equality to ensure that all individuals have equal access to opportunities and resources. This would involve promoting women’s rights and gender equality in all aspects of society, including education, healthcare, and govox-populi.
11. Investing in education and healthcare: United African States would need to invest in education and healthcare to create a more equal and just society. This would involve investing resources in the creation of education centres that focus more on practical education than theory and abolishing the concept of private and public schools education centres, reformed university education models such as the curriculum they focus on, the different educational theories that are accepted as meaningful and the approved teaching methods being used within the classroom including the pedagogy in general, back to ancient African educational model, as well as reviving ancient African medicinal practices both as educational subjects in schools and practice at hospitals in improving access to national healthcare services for all citizens.

12. Promoting social welfare programs: United African States would promote social welfare programs that provide entitlement welfare for those who are most vulnerable, such as the elderly, nursing mothers, and people with disabilities. This would involve creating programs that provide free food and clothing, free housing and toiletries, and free education and healthcare services.

13. Addressing systemic racism and discrimination: United African States would need to address systemic racism and discrimination to create a more just and equitable society. This would involve implementing policies and programs that promote diversity and inclusion, as well as providing reparations and redress for historical injustices between ethnic groups, and racial and tribal wars that had taken place during the departed era of disunity.

14. Promoting worker governance: the United African States would promote worker-shared control of State government administration by govox-populi to create a more egalitarian economy. This would involve creating a shared power dynamic between the citizenry-branch and the economy-branch of government and promoting workers’ voting right to elect their every citizenry prime-ministers and deputies including the right to select government economic policies that affect their administrative operation in an elective-process in various sectors of the economy.

15. Investing in multi-planetary research: United African States would need to invest in multi-planetary research to create a potential long-term habitation of the human race on other planets within our solar system. This would involve coordinating the materials and intellectual resources needed to accomplish space missions and committing to advances in architectural design in aeronautics, alternative fuel production, 3D printing and low-gravity manufacturing to equip African Planetary Aeronautics research in this area.
16. Promoting participatory populocracy: the United African States would promote participatory populocracy to ensure that all citizens have a say in the decisions that affect their lives. This would involve creating opportunities for citizen engagement and participation in the development of groundwork research needed for government-centred Commicratic-Departments to develop a proposal for policies, as well as promoting transparency and accountability in government.

17. Reducing corruption: United African States would need to address corruption to create a more just and equitable society. This would involve implementing policies and programs that promote transparency and accountability in government, as well as creating a culture of integrity and ethical behaviour in all sectors of society.

18. Addressing conflict and violence: United African States would need to address conflict and violence between groups to create a stable and peaceful society. This would involve investing in conflict resolution, peace-building efforts, addressing grievances in courts under the law, as well as promoting dialogue and enforcing the constitutional abolition of citizens’ ownership of firearms and lethal weapons nationally.

19. Promoting cultural exchange and diversity: the United African States would promote cultural exchange and diversity to create a more inclusive and tolerant society. This would involve promoting the arts, supporting cultural heritage preservation, and creating opportunities for intercultural dialogue and exchange design to integrate the diverse ethnic groups within Africa.

20. Fostering international cooperation: the United African States would foster international cooperation to promote a more just and equitable world. This would involve working with foreign nations and international organisations to promote economic development, social justice, and peace for all.

These are just some general steps that I proposed to contribute to the goal of the divided African nations uniting as a single nation under the theory of ethnosocialism. However, achieving this goal would require a comprehensive and sustained effort to establish ethno-corporatist economic development, govoxical cooperation, cultural exchange, and social justice. While the path to achieving this goal may appear challenging in theory, it is ultimately one that has the potential to create a more just, equitable, and sustainable society for all Africans.

Pan-African Socialism: The Coming-of-Age of United African States

The concept of the United African States (UAS), as the coming of age of Pan-Africanism, has been a topic of discussion among African leaders and intellectuals for many decades. The idea is based on the belief that the continent of Africa should be united governmentally, economically, and socially, to promote development and ensure the well-being of its people.

There are several potential benefits associated with establishing the United African States as a single national body under the theory of ethnosocialism. For example:

1. Increased Govoxical Power: By uniting as one nation, United African States would be able to better assert its individualistic interests within the unity and as a collective on the global stage, and would potentially have a greater influence in international affairs.
2. Economic Development: United African States would gain greater capacity for economic development and growth by pooling resources and expertise from within Africa, and working together to sustain their economic self-sufficiency subsistence.
3. Regional Conflicts: Some regions of Africa are plagued by ongoing conflicts and tensions at the present and there are potential conflicts to occur in the future due to foreign interference over African natural resources, but the United African States would resolve all conflicts and divisions by its establishment merely.
4. Peace and Stability: United African States would gain greater control to exert peace and stability within Africa under the House-of-StateLords Assembly to resolve disputes, promoting cooperation among groups, and as well as under the House-of-StateLords Tribunal to exert disciplinary control and sovereignty over African regions and territories.
5. Cultural Exchange: By promoting cultural exchange and understanding, United African States would help to celebrate the diverse cultures and traditions that originate in Africa, and promote unity and solidarity among African people.

HOUSE OF STATE-LORDS ASSEMBLY

Diagram: 1

However, there are also potential challenges associated with the establishment of the United African States. These include:

1. Resistance from Foreign Nations: Certain foreign nations may view the United African States as a threat to their economic interests over African natural resources, and may work to undermine or destabilise this revolution of the young generation of Africa to unite all the divided African nations to avert this same problem that is keeping African nations poor in the global market economy.
2. Logistical Challenges: Establishing United African States would require significant resources and infrastructure, and while there are challenges, as a contingency plan to deal with the challenging undertaking, I proposed a 3-year transition period as the minimum and a maximum period set for 5-year to enable the most necessary infrastructures to be put in place and commit to a long-term development plan.

Despite these challenges, the concept of the establishment of the United African States continues to generate interest and discussion among African young generations and intellectuals. While the road to unity may be challenging, many believe with me that the United Africa States would be a powerful force for positive change for Africans and beyond.

The coming-of-age of the United African States also emphasises the revolutionary establishment of a commicracy mode of organisation in seeking the outright and utmost impassioned abolition of the bureaucracy mode of organisation to cease to exist within African socio-governmental administrative structures. This is extremely very important because bureaucracy is the seedbed for the endemic corruption that plagues all African government institutions with the improper use of public resources for private ends, including bribery and improper favouritism.

Commicracy, I defined as a form of decision-making that emphasises horizontal and participatory decision-making by those affected by the decision. In the context of an ethnosocialist society of the proposed United Africa States, commicracy empowers people at the grassroots level, involving individuals and communities using Advisory-bodies as a platform, to come together as a social movement to garner majority support for a policy change and a say in state-centred decisions that affect them all.

One possible way that commicracy would operate in this context is through the establishment of decentralised decision-making structures, such as neighbourhood or community councils to be supervised, presided over, overseer, or observed at the very least by independent Advisory-bodies to be regarded as govoxically legitimate, because Advisory-bodies are directly and constitutionally accountable to the regional people they serve. These councils could be responsible for proposing policy decisions related to local issues such as education, healthcare, and public services.

At the regional or national level, commicracy could be implemented through the establishment of participatory decision-making processes, such as citizen assemblies or town hall meetings, that allow for direct input from citizens on issues affecting the wider community. This would help to ensure that decision-making is responsive to the needs and priorities of the people, rather than being controlled by a centralised bureaucratic apparatus.

It’s worth noting that the implementation of commicracy would require a significant shift in power dynamics and decision-making structures on the fabric of Africa, as well as a commitment to participatory populocracy at all levels of society.

Additionally, there may be challenges in ensuring that marginalised and historically oppressed groups have equal access to decision-making processes. However, if implemented effectively on the platform of Advisory-bodies, commicracy could be a powerful tool for building a more equitable and populocratic society.

Another important aspect of the coming-of-age of the United African States is the revolutionary establishment of the govox-populi administrative system of government in seeking the immediate abolition of the political-administrative system of government to cease to exist within African socio-governmental administrative structures.

This is necessary because politics thrives on polarisation and it is based on partisanship, division, blind loyalty to a political party, and a catalyst for endemic corruption and dishonesty in government policy decision-making processes, and more importantly, it promotes the regressive condition of class-system and class-society. The politics of partisanship is the germinating seedbed for the debasement of democracy into the arrays of indirect-democracy or representative-democracy so-called in our government structure everywhere.

I defined govox-populi as a form of government where both the government and all citizens within the voting-age group have shared control of State government administration over state-centred decision-making. In the context of a commicracy mode of organisation, govox-populi formalises and institutionalises the participatory decision-making processes that are central to commicracy.

One way that govox-populi help to regulate power dynamics and decision-making structures in a commicracy would be by providing a formalised system for citizen participation in decision-making. For example, under a govox-populi system, citizens could have the ability to propose and vote on legislation directly, through a process of government-led citizen voters’ selection of government policies in an elective-process.

Additionally, govox-populi help to ensure that decision-making power is distributed more evenly throughout society, rather than being concentrated in the hands of a small elite. By giving citizens a direct role in decision-making, govox-populi help to ensure that decision-making reflects the needs and priorities of the wider population affected by the decision, rather than being determined by a narrow segment of society.

However, implementing a govox-populi government structure within a commicracy is by law accounted for, represented as a legally-binding decision that the State government is obliged to must take regardless of any individually perceived notion against such a decision that the people had selected in an elective-process, and accessible for constitutional interpretation by the House-of-StateLords Assembly. Additionally, govox-populi establishes clear procedures for resolving conflicts and disagreements within the commicratic decision-making process, to ensure that decisions are made fairly and equitably.

As such, govox-populi is undoubtedly a powerful tool for institutionalising participatory decision-making within a commicracy, and for promoting more equitable and populocratic decision-making processes in government.

Another dominant revolutionary establishment that developed from the coming-of-age of the United African States is the revival of ethnopublic nationalism revived from the indigenous ancient African governing structure in seeking the downright abolition of republic nationalism to cease to exist within African socio-governmental enfolding structures.

This is foremost on the list of our abolition because republic nationalism promotes the culture of corruption in the affairs of the State, where the elites or the wealthy can purchase the powerful influence of elected politicians in government with their wealth to advance their economic interests in society to the detriment of the majority governed people. Republic nationalism also tolerates a mixed form of governance within its structure which is the seedbed for abuse of power in government by governing officials, it relies on bureaucracy to function and is thus slow to render decisions, and because it employs politics as a governing tool it thus promotes the culture of partisanship in the affairs of the State.

I defined ethnopublic nationalism as a form of nationalism that emphasises the collective identity and interests of multiple ethnic groups united as a nation, in which the implementation of commicracy and Govox-populi operates within this framework by promoting greater participation and equal input from members of these ethnic groups in decision-making processes.

For example, within the context of the United African States, a system of commicracy and govox-populi provide opportunities for members of different ethnic groups to equally participate in decision-making processes related to issues that affect their communities. This conforms with the socio-practice of collective-individualism, where different ethnic groups and cultures unite as a collective or as a nation, and individual group benefits more from that unity and meets their individualistic interests more than they would if they were not united as a collective.

By giving citizens of an ethnopublic State a direct role in government decision-making, commicracy and govox-populi help to ensure that decisions are made in a way that reflects the needs and priorities of all members of society, regardless of their ethnicity.

However, it’s also worth noting that there may be tensions between the principles of commicracy and govox-populi, which prioritise equal participatory decision-making, and the principles of ethnopublic nationalism, which prioritise the rule or interests of the majority of decision-makers.

To balance these tensions, it would be important to establish clear guidelines and procedures for decision-making that ensure that both the majority and minority are heard and considered, and this may be done by introducing the principles of collective-individualism, which prioritise the beliefs of compromise between opposing populist views, or at the very least it raised every majority decision as a continuous and ever-changing option subject to modification or change without end, or that the minority decisions are granted some minimal concessions at the present with the expectations that the minority are expected to continue enlightening their fellow electors within the majority the right or wrong of their decisions with continual proof and evidence through lived experiences.

Ultimately, the implementation of commicracy and govox-populi within an ethnopublic nationalist framework would require the principles of collective-individualism to compromise the power dynamics to provide consensus between the minority and majority decisions, as well as a commitment to promoting populocratic decision-making processes that are inclusive and responsive to the needs of all members of society.

An example of the point I am making above is the controversy about gay people in Africa. The majority of African government at the present agreed on the same thing that gay relationship is prohibited in each of their countries. Current scientific evidence proved that being gay is genetic and not down to a choice and thus must qualify as a human rights concession in any State laws anywhere.

Under the principles of commicracy and govox-populi, all citizens have a right to vote on state-centred policy to decide whether gay relationships should be prohibited as majority citizenry rule or allowed under its human rights concession in United African States; while the principles of ethnopublic nationalism accepts that majority citizenry rule is the decided decision that must be taken, but it must also consider the human rights concession granted to gay relationships under the principles of human-nature that is outside the decision of anyone to make or impose; in balancing these tensions under the ethnopublic principles that the House-of-StateLords would employ, the principles of collective-individualism must be employed to grant the minority decisions of gay relationships the concession to practise their relationships, BUT that, the majority decisions that prohibited gay relationship must be respected to prohibit expression of gay relationships in public places in United African States.

This granted the minority decisions of gay people their human-rights concessions, and at the same time granted the majority decisions its rule to prohibit gay relationships in public places including in the national discourse of what is acceptable as the norm in African society.

Accordingly, the decided decision of the minority, whatever their view or claim may be under the universal human rights law regardless of whether it was supported by scientific evidence or not, runs the risk of distorting the populocratic process and causing the concessions granted to them to be less socialist, or producing ignorance that may end up harming their society, if they give up on their views without continually enlightening their fellow electors the right or wrong of their decisions with continual proof and evidence through scientific evidence that can appeal to the majority to change their view.

Therefore, the definition of an ethnopublic nationalist framework that prioritises the unity and shared interests of a diverse set of ethnic communities or nations with different social identity, do not emphasise the primacy of a particular ethnicity, race or social identity to take complete priority above another in society.

In the context of the govox-populi administrative system of government and a commicracy mode of organisation, an ethnopublic nationalist framework operate successfully by providing opportunities for diverse communities to participate in decision-making processes and governance structures. By emphasising shared governance and participatory decision-making, govox-populi and commicracy help to ensure that all voices are heard and considered and that decisions are made in a way that reflects the needs and priorities of all members of society, regardless of their ethnicity or social identity.

Additionally, it would be important to ensure that marginalised and historically oppressed communities have equal access to decision-making processes and governance structures. This involves efforts to promote greater representation and participation from these communities, as well as strategies to address historical inequalities and disparities.

As such, the successful implementation of an ethnopublic nationalist framework within a govox-populi and commicracy system would require the principles of collective-individualism to compromise the consensus of power dynamics between the majority and the minority decisions, as well as a commitment to promoting populocratic decision-making processes that are inclusive and responsive to the needs of all members of society.

Therefore, populocracy defined as a form of governance in which citizens have the power to directly prescribe policies for the government to follow, rather than relying on elected representatives to make policy decisions on their behalf, also prescribes that in the context of an ethnopublic nationalist framework, govox-populi, and commicracy mode of organisation, populocracy work complementary by ensuring that the voices and interests of all members of society are represented and incorporated into decision-making processes.

By giving citizens the governing power to directly prescribe state-centred policies, populocracy help to ensure that the policies and decisions implemented by the government reflect the needs and priorities of the broader community, rather than being driven by the interests of a particularly elite or political class.

As such, the use of populocracy would require a highly informed and engaged citizenry-electorates, as citizens would need to be knowledgeable about the issues facing their society and be provided with the skills and resources to engage in meaningful dialogue and decision-making. This would involve investing in education and civic engagement initiatives through the public functions of independent Advisory-bodies to robustly help to promote informed and responsible populocratic citizenship.

Additionally, it’s worth noting that the implementation of populocracy within an ethnopublic nationalist framework would also require careful attention to issues of cultural and linguistic diversity. In a society with multiple ethnic and linguistic groups, it would be important to ensure that all citizens can participate fully in decision-making processes, regardless of their background or identity.

This would involve establishing Advisory-bodies to develop multilingual platforms for communication and decision-making, as well as investing in language education initiatives that promote linguistic diversity and cultural understanding. It would be through this that we can develop mechanisms for ensuring that the voices and perspectives of minority groups are represented in decision-making processes and that their interests are taken into account in the formulation of citizenry selection of policies and implementation strategies.

At the same time, the use of populocracy would also require the development of robust mechanisms for accountability and transparency. In a system where citizens have the power to prescribe and select government policies, it would be important to ensure that decision-making processes are transparent and accessible to all members of society and that mechanisms are in place for holding elected officials and secretariat government accountable to the policies implementation and priorities of the broader community.

This would involve developing systems for monitoring and evaluating policy implementation, as well as mechanisms for citizen feedback and oversight. It would also require the development of strong legal and institutional frameworks for protecting the rights and freedoms of citizens, and for ensuring that the rule of law is upheld in all aspects of governance.

Therefore, the implementation of populocracy within an ethnopublic nationalist framework, govox-populi, and commicracy mode of organisation would require a nuanced and carefully considered approach that takes into account a wide range of factors, including issues of representation, equity, cultural and linguistic diversity, accountability, and transparency. However, if implemented effectively, it has the potential to provide a powerful mechanism for promoting populocratic decision-making processes that are truly reflective of the needs and priorities of all members of society.

From this perspective, computerised technology has the potential to greatly enhance the implementation of populocracy within an ethnopublic nationalist framework, govox-populi, and commicracy mode of organisation. In the context of monitoring and evaluating policy implementation, mobile-phone apps and other computerised systems would be developed to provide citizens with real-time information on every selection of policy outcomes and progress nationally.

For example, a mobile-phone app would be developed that allows citizens to track the implementation of specific policies or initiatives, providing regular updates on progress and highlighting areas where implementation may be lagging or encountering obstacles. This would include features such as dashboards, data visualisations, and interactive maps that allow citizens to track progress and compare outcomes across different regions or demographic groups.

In terms of the use of mobile-phone apps for the citizen’s daily voting, such a system would be designed to ensure the security and privacy of voter data, as well as to prevent any attempts at fraud or manipulation. This would involve the use of advanced encryption techniques, secure authentication processes, and audit trails that allow for the tracing of individual historical votes to specific users.

In addition, the system would be designed to ensure that all African citizens have equal free access to enable individual populocratic participation with voting technology such as smartphones, tablets, laptops, and computers, regardless of their location anywhere in the world or socio-economic status. This would involve the development of mobile apps that are optimised for use on low-energy consumptions, as well as the provision of internet access and other infrastructure in rural or developing areas.

Therefore, the development of computerised technology for monitoring and evaluating policy implementation and for citizen daily voting within an ethnopublic nationalist framework, govox-populi, and commicracy mode of organisation has the potential to promote greater citizen engagement and participation in the populocratic process.

However, it is important to recognise that populocratic values and principles and does not inadvertently undermine the very ideals that it seeks to promote. This will require ongoing collaboration between government Commicratic-Departments’ policymakers, technologists, and citizens themselves to ensure that these systems are transparent, accountable, and effective in promoting the common good.

Furthermore, the development of computerised technology for monitoring and evaluating policy implementation and for citizen daily voting would also help to address any challenges that may face populocracy within an ethnopublic nationalist framework, govox-populi, and commicracy mode of organisation.

For example, such technology would help to ensure that policy decisions are based on sound evidence and data, rather than ideological or partisan considerations. By providing citizens with access to real-time information on voters’ selection of government policy outcomes and progress, these systems would help to promote greater accountability and transparency and ensure that the majority of voters’ decisions are based on objective, verifiable information rather than political spin or manipulation.

However, it is important to note that the development and deployment of such technology is not a panacea, and would be safeguarded with a cautious approach and careful consideration of every coding process. There are at present time numerous challenges and risks associated with the use of computerised systems for citizen daily voting and policy implementation, including the potential for technical glitches, security breaches, and unintended consequences.

Therefore, any such technology would be subject to rigorous testing and evaluation and would be designed with robust safeguards and contingency plans in place to minimise the risks of unintended consequences or negative outcomes.

In addition, ongoing public education and civic engagement through the public functions of Advisory-bodies will be essential to ensure that citizens understand how these systems work and can use them effectively to make informed decisions and participate meaningfully in the populocratic process.

For example, the use of blockchain technology in the development of monitoring and evaluation systems for policy implementation and citizen daily voting would potentially provide a high degree of security and safeguard against security breaches. This is because blockchain is a decentralised and distributed ledger technology that uses cryptographic techniques to ensure the integrity and immutability of data.

In a blockchain-based system, each transaction or vote is recorded in a tamper-proof and transparent manner and is verified by a network of nodes rather than a single centralised authority. This makes it extremely difficult for any individual or entity to manipulate the data or compromise the system, as any attempt to do so would require the collusion of a significant portion of the network.

In addition, blockchain technology also offers a high degree of transparency and accountability, as all transactions or votes are visible to all participants in the network, and cannot be altered or deleted without the consensus of the network.

However, it is important to note that blockchain technology is not immune to all forms of security breaches, and there are still potential vulnerabilities and risks that must be addressed. For example, at present, blockchain-based systems can be susceptible to attacks such as 51% attacks or Sybil attacks, which could compromise the integrity of the network and undermine its security.

Therefore, while blockchain technology could potentially provide a high degree of security and safeguard against security breaches, it is important to approach its use with caution and careful consideration and to implement robust security measures and protocols to minimise the risks of unintended consequences or negative outcomes.

In the context of a govox-populi and commicracy system, a blockchain-based voting system could provide a secure and transparent way for citizens to participate in the policy-making process and exercise their populocratic rights.

For example, a mobile app could be developed that allows citizens to cast their votes on policy decisions in real time, which are then recorded on the blockchain and made visible to all participants in the network. This would enable citizens to have direct and immediate input into the policy-making process and would provide a high degree of transparency and accountability in the decision-making process.

Furthermore, the use of blockchain technology could also facilitate the monitoring and evaluation of policy implementation, by providing a secure and tamper-proof record of the actions taken by the government and all regional-community stakeholders in response to the policy decisions made by the citizenry majority.

For instance, a blockchain-based monitoring system could be used to track the progress of policy implementation, identify potential issues or roadblocks, and provide real-time feedback to citizens on the effectiveness and impact of the policies that they have voted on.

As such, the use of computerised technology, including blockchain-based voting and monitoring systems, could play a critical role in supporting the development of more participatory, transparent, and accountable forms of governance in an ethnopublic nation under a govox-populi and commicracy system.

Ethno-corporatism, commicracy, govox-populi, and ethnopublic nationalism work complementary together under the seedbed of populocracy governance in the following way:

Ethno-corporatism provides a framework for a socialist economy that emphasises the provision of basic needs and services to all citizens, regardless of their economic or social status. In such a system, the use of an entitlement-chip card to access free basic necessities and the use of a Corporatist Service Provision CSP card as a representative-exchange of economic products and services beyond the free access to basic necessities help ensure that everyone has access to the resources they need to thrive in society.

Commicracy, with its focus on horizontal decision-making structures, helps ensure that policies and decisions are made with the input and participation of all stakeholders across regional-communities nationally, both citizenry-electorates and participating groups of workers.

Govox-populi, with its emphasis on shared control of state-centred decision-making, helps ensure that the government is responsive to the needs and desires of the people and that policies are enacted with the support of a majority of citizens affected by the decision.

Ethnopublic nationalism, with its focus on shared identity and common interests, helps promote social cohesion and cooperation among different ethnic and social groups within a nation.

Together, these systems create a society that prioritises the well-being and interests of all citizens, and that is governed in a participatory, populocratic, and transparent way. The use of technology, such as blockchain-based voting and monitoring systems, further support these goals by providing a secure and transparent way for citizens to participate in the policy-making process and to monitor the implementation of policies in real time as they develop.

Moreover, the combination of ethno-corporatism and commicracy leads to a more equitable distribution of resources and decision-making power, as decisions are made with input from all stakeholders within each regional-community, rather than being dominated by a select few.

Incorporating govox-populi into this system would also allow for a more populocratic process in decision-making, as citizens would have a greater say in the policies that affect them. This would help to ensure that policies and decisions are made in the best interests of the people, rather than being solely driven by the interests of a particular group or elite.

Finally, the emphasis on ethnopublic nationalism promotes a sense of solidarity and unity among citizens, as they work together to create a society that reflects their shared values and interests. This could help to overcome divisions and promote cooperation among different ethnic and social groups, leading to a more cohesive and harmonious society.

Overall, the combination of ethno-corporatism, commicracy, govox-populi, and ethnopublic nationalism create a society that is more equitable, populocratic, and socially cohesive. The use of technology could further enhance these systems by providing transparency, accountability, and security, allowing citizens to participate in the policy-making process and monitor the implementation of policies securely and efficiently.

Constitutions, Citizenship and National Integration for United Africa States

The construction of the ethnopublic State Constitution, citizenship, and national integration for the United Africa States involves several theories and perspectives. Some of the key theories include:

1. Social contract theory: This theory proposes that the ethnopublic State is a product of a social contract between the government and the governed people, whereby both the government and the citizens have shared control of State government administration and in an interdependent management of national resources, and whereby the rules of government is prescribed by the citizens and the government is granted the power to propose policies for citizen voters’ selection and as well as to must implement citizenry prescribed policies. In this context, the ethnopublic Constitution would be seen as a written agreement between the government and the people, outlining the terms of this social contract and the rights and responsibilities of citizens to prescribe the government rules to govern themselves.

2. Populocratic theory: This theory emphasises the importance of citizen participation in government and the responsibility of citizenry-electorates for the day-to-day government decision-making processes. In the context of the United African States, building populocratic institutions such as the institution of Advisory-bodies, Lawderly, Redeem system and others, and promoting populocratic principles would be essential for constructing effective State Constitutions, promoting the benefit of citizenship, and fostering national integration.

3. Legal pluralism theory: This theory recognises the diversity of regional govoxical legal systems and norms in the united African societies, and proposed how the ethnopublic State Constitution has taken into account the ancient African various legal traditions and incorporated them into the ethnosocialist legal framework. This would involve recognising and protecting the rights of minority groups and promoting legal and cultural diversity.

4. Nation-building theory: This theory proposes that constructing a unified national identity is essential for promoting national integration in the United African States. This would involve promoting a shared language, culture, history, and values, while also recognising and celebrating the diversity of African societies. A key aspect of nation-building would also be the promotion of civic education and the development of a sense of civic responsibility and engagement among citizens.

5. Pan-Africanism theory: This theory emphasises the importance of African unity and solidarity in building strong and effective States, promoting collective citizenship, and fostering national integration for the United African States. In this context, United African States would be seen as a powerful force for social, economic, and govoxical development, and the proposed ethnopublic State constitution has been designed to reflect this vision of African unity.

The construction of the ethnopublic State Constitution, citizenship, and national integration for the United African States has required a holistic approach that takes into account the diverse perspectives and needs of African societies. This has involved drawing on a range of theories and perspectives to create a constitutional framework that is both inclusive and effective in promoting the common good of all African people both in the HomeLand and in the diaspora.

The concept of Pan-Africanism theory emphasises the importance of African unity and solidarity in building a strong and effective united Africa, promoting collective citizenship, and fostering national integration for the United African States.

In the context of the construction of the ethnopublic State Constitution and promoting collective citizenship for the United African States, the following steps I proposed to be taken based on the principles of Pan-Africanism theory:

1. Recognition of African cultural diversity: The ethnopublic Constitution recognise the diversity of African cultures and traditions, and promotes the protection and celebration of these diverse identities. This could be done through the inclusion of cultural and linguistic rights for minority groups, and the promotion of cultural exchange programs to foster understanding and appreciation of different African cultures and traditions.

2. Promotion of African unity: The Constitution emphasise the importance of African unity and solidarity in promoting social, economic, and govoxical development. This would be done through the establishment of joint regional-Commissions and secretariat-ministries that established cooperation and integration, as well as the StateLords from each State as joint head-of-states of the United African States and the establishment of the united Africa House-of-StateLords Assembly.

3. Protection of human rights: The Constitution protect the human rights of all African citizens, including the rights to freedom of expression, association, and assembly. It also promotes equality in the establishment of the Citizenry Bill of Rights and prohibits discrimination based on race, ethnicity, disability, gender, religion, or sexual orientation.

4. Promotion of populocracy: The Constitution promote populocratic principles and institutions, including free and fair elections, an independent judiciary, and a free press. It also encourages citizen participation in decision-making processes and promotes transparency and accountability in the govoxical government.

5. Development of a common African identity: The Constitution promote the development of a common African identity, based on shared values and aspirations. This could be done through the promotion of a common African language, the recognition and celebration of African history and culture, and the development of a sense of shared destiny among African citizens.

6. Economic development: The Constitution promote economic development in a way that benefits all African citizens. This would be achieved through the establishment of the provision of free basic necessities to all African citizens regardless of economic status and the development of regional and State economic integration through the proposed Corporatist Service Provision (CSP) card, as well as the protection of the rights of workers to govern themselves and the promotion of sustainable development of the national economy for self-sufficiency subsistence.

7. Education and civic engagement: The Constitution promote education and civic engagement as a means of fostering active citizenship and promoting national integration. This would involve the promotion of civic education in schools, the development of youth programs that encourage civic participation, and the establishment of community-based initiatives that promote civic engagement.

8. Environmental protection: The Constitution promote the protection of the environment and natural resources as a means of promoting sustainable development and combating climate change. This would involve the establishment of environmental protection laws, the promotion of renewable energy sources, and the development of sustainable agricultural practices.

9. International cooperation: The Constitution promote international cooperation and solidarity as a means of promoting peace, security, and development in Africa and beyond. This would involve the establishment of partnerships with other regions and countries, the promotion of multilateralism in global governance, and the support of peacekeeping and humanitarian missions.

10. Recognition of traditional systems of governance: The Constitution recognise and promotes traditional royal systems of governance, which have been important in promoting social cohesion and resolving conflicts in many African societies at regional levels. This could involve the incorporation of customary laws and practices into the legal system that governs palaver-court proceedings, and the establishment of mechanisms for recognising and resolving disputes within these systems.

11. Promotion of human security: The Constitution prioritise the promotion of human security, which encompasses a range of issues including food security, health security, environmental security, and personal security. This would involve the establishment of social safety net to protect the most vulnerable members of society, the provision of universal access to healthcare and free education, and the establishment of community-based initiatives through independent Advisory-bodies that promote public safety and security.

12. Promotion of social justice: The Constitution promote social justice, which involves ensuring that all members of society have access to basic human rights and opportunities for social and economic advancement. This would involve the establishment of policies and programs that promote the redistribution of wealth and resources, the elimination of discrimination, and the promotion of social inclusion.

13. Strengthening of national institutions: The Constitution prioritise the strengthening of national institutions, including the judiciary, law arbitration agencies, and civil society organisations. This would involve the promotion of institutional empowerment, the establishment of mechanisms for public accountability, and the provision of resources to enable these institutions to carry out their functions effectively.

14. Recognition of cultural diversity: The Constitution recognise and celebrates the cultural diversity of African societies while promoting social cohesion and national unity. This would involve the establishment of policies and programs that promote cultural exchange and understanding, the protection of cultural heritage sites and traditions, and the recognition of cultural rights in the legal system.

15. Establishment of regional integration: The Constitution prioritise the establishment of regional integration, which involves the absorption of economic, social, and govoxical institutions into a unified or single entity such as the United African States. This would involve the establishment of regional-Commissions and promotion for regional Advisory-bodies to take up initiatives that promote local trade, infrastructure development, and cooperation in areas such as security and environmental protection.

Incorporating these principles of Pan-Africanism theory into the construction of the ethnopublic State Constitution, citizenship, and national integration for the United African States will help to establish the foundation for the progression of a more equitable, inclusive, and prosperous society for all African citizens.

The effective framework for united African govox-populi governance and populocratic empowerment of the populous to decide every direction of their national economy and society morales will ultimately help to ensure that the rights and needs of African citizens are protected and that the proposed African unity can achieve their full potential in the years to come and for the benefits of future African generations.

By fostering a sense of these shared identities and purpose, promoting populocratic governance, and prioritising social and economic development, Africa would realise its full potential as a leading region in the global community.

END

DEFINITIONS

African-socialism: African-socialism refers to a governing and economic philosophy that was revived in the mid-20^th century, particularly in the context of the decolonisation of Africa from European colonial rule. The concept is based on the idea that the values of ancient African traditional collective cultures and the structure of the cooperative economic system can be adapted to form the basis of a modern socialist African society.

African-socialism emphasises the collective ownership and control of resources, particularly those related to land and natural resources. It emphasises the importance of social justice, economic equality, and community development. African socialism seeks to address the structural inequalities and injustices inherited from colonialism by promoting economic development and social welfare through a combination of State intervention, citizenry participation, and community action.

Altruist Relations: The socialist construct of altruist relations emphasises the importance of social cooperation and mutual aid in creating a more equitable and just society.

Altruist relations in an ethnopublican state between the government and its citizens refer to a govoxical approach or citizenry policy framework characterised by a selfless commitment to promoting the well-being and interests of the populace. In such a system, the citizenry-electorates makes policies and laws that enforce the government to primarily prioritise the welfare of its citizens above all else, often through the provision of social services, healthcare, education, and other essential amenities aimed at improving overall quality of life of societal members. Altruist relations entail a sense of duty and responsibility on the part of the government to implement the needs and concerns of its citizens, striving to create a more equitable and just society where the welfare of all individuals is safeguarded and enhanced. This approach contrasts with more self-serving or opportunistic models of governance, emphasising the importance of empathy, compassion, and collective benefit in shaping policies and decision-making processes.

Citizenry-Committee: Citizenry-committee are a group of elected government officials who are responsible for providing policy information to the citizenry-electorates – the people. The committee’s primary goal is to ensure that the citizens are well-informed about the policies that affect their daily lives and have a say in the selection of those policies.

The committee members are elected by the citizens, and they serve as representatives of the people. They are responsible for gathering information and data on various policy issues from the government-centred Commicratic-Departments, analysing the data, and presenting it clearly and concisely to the citizens. This Information-delivery is then used by the citizens to make informed decisions when voting on policy selection that affects their daily lives and regional-communities.

The citizenry-committee serves as a bridge between the government and the citizens, ensuring that the voices and concerns of each of the regional citizens they represent are heard and taken into account when delivering policy information. By empowering citizens to decide on the policies that affect their daily lives, the committee foster a sense of community and increases civic engagement and participation in govoxical affairs.

Citizenry Prime-Minister: Citizenry Prime-Minister is the head of the citizenry-branch of government, who is responsible for representing the interests of the citizens and ensuring that their voices are heard in the legislative process. The Citizenry Prime-Minister hold the State legislative power and is responsible for introducing and overseeing the passage of laws and policies that are in the best interests of the citizens.

The Citizenry Prime-Minister would be elected by the citizens of the state and would serve as their representative in the government. The role of the Citizenry Prime-Minister would be to listen to the concerns and needs of the citizens and to work with the other branches of government to develop policies and legislation for proposals to the citizenry vote that address those concerns.

Citizenry-electorates: Citizenry-electorates are the citizens of an ethnosocialist nation who are within the voting-age group and accordingly have the power to vote in every government election and selections of policies. Citizenry-electorates have more control and agency over the decisions that affect their lives. They are a group of citizens who are organised around specific issues or concerns across regions and who can vote or otherwise participate directly in government policy decision-making processes, rather than simply electing representatives to do so on their behalf.

Collective-Individualism: Collective-individualism refers to the idea that individualism and collectivism coexist and complement each other in a socialist society. While ethnosocialism emphasises collective ownership and control of resources, it also recognises the importance of individual freedom and autonomy.

Collective-individualism seeks to reconcile the interests of the collective with the needs and desires of the individual. It recognises that individuals are interconnected and that their interests are often tied to the interests of others within a collective in all areas of social life. As such, collective-individualism values the unique perspectives and contributions of individuals and seeks to create a society that fosters personal growth, creativity, and self-expression.

In an ethnosocialist system that embraces collective-individualism, individuals are encouraged to prioritise their individual pursue of their interests and passions in areas that geared towards working for the betterment of the community as a whole. Economic and social structures are designed to promote cooperation and mutual aid, while also providing individuals with the resources and opportunities they need to flourish as individuals.

Commicracy: Commicracy is a system of organisation in which most of the important decisions are taken by the organised body of those affected by the decision. Commicracy is a horizontal organisation structure with a consensual ordered level of management in which each member is equal in managerial control – where there is no subordinate or superior management – and members are answerable to one another and governed by established commissioning-rules

Corporatist Service Provision CSP: Corporatist Service Provision, the acronym CSP, is an economic provision system that operates under an ethnosocialist framework. In this system, the government issues a chip card to all workers, which allows them equal access to all products and services they need and desire, beyond the provision of free entitlement-chip card to all persons to free access to basic necessities such as food, housing and healthcare, regardless of their economic status, without the need for money or any other form of currency.

Under this system, all workers would have access to all products and services, including restaurant-catered food, bigger housing, a priority list to healthcare services, free government-sponsored access to foreign travel for any purpose including educational conferences, and personalised vehicle transportation. The government would act as a facilitator and regulator of all economic organisations nationally, ensuring that they operate fairly and equitably in the interests of workers.

The CSP chip card system would work as follows: each worker would be allocated a certain amount of credits each month or a fixed credit with a limited quota, which they could use to access the various goods and services provided by the corporatist organisations and provision outlets everywhere on the streets. The credits would be renewed on a monthly basis or replenished each month.

The CSP system would be designed to ensure that all workers had equal access to the goods and services they needed, regardless of their occupation or economic contribution level. For example, a doctor would have access to the same level of healthcare as a construction worker, and a teacher would have access to the same level of provisions as a factory worker.

In summary, Corporatist Service Provision is an economic system that seeks to provide equal access to goods and services to all workers in an ethnosocialist society, without the need for money or any other form of currency. The system would be facilitated by the government and would be regulated and operated by the workers themselves.

Economy Prime-Minister: An Economy Prime-Minister is the head of the economy-branch of government, responsible for implementing and overseeing the State’s economic policies and ensuring that they are aligned with the needs of the citizenry consumers. The Economy Prime-Minister would also share in the legislative power of the State with the Citizenry Prime-Minister.

The Economy Prime-Minister would be responsible for proposing policies and implementing citizenry-selected policies to promote economic growth, job creation, and stability. This would include regulation of CSP-allocated credits to workers, government allocation of economic resources between national interest and international spending, trade policy, and African international monetary policy in the interests of the non-monetary national economy.

The shared legislative power of the Citizenry Prime-Minister and Economy Prime-Minister would mean that both branches of government would have a say in the State’s legislative agenda, and would work together to ensure that the needs of the citizens as a whole are met, both in terms of their economic well-being and their broader interests as citizens.

Economy-Unionist: An Economy-Unionist is an elected government official in an ethnosocialist State under the leadership of the Economy Prime-Minister and his/her deputy. The economy-unionist is responsible for regulating citizenry policy decisions related to the workers. The primary role of an Economy-Unionist would be to ensure that the workers’ voices are heard in the policymaking process and that their interests are protected.

In an ethnosocialist State, the workers would be the driving force behind economic production, and their needs and concerns would be of utmost importance. The Economy-Unionist would be responsible for gathering information and data on various policy issues related to the workers from the government Commicratic-Departments and presenting it clearly and concisely to the workers for their vote.

The workers would have the power to vote on policy decisions that affect their work practices, such as CSP credits, working hours, and safety standards. The Economy-Unionists receive their direction from the Economy Prime-Minister and his/her deputy and would work with the other branches of government to tailor the implementation of policies that align with the needs of the workers while also ensuring that the economy remains productive and sustainable.

The Economy-Unionist representing each regional economic industry would be elected by the regional workers within their respective industries and would serve as a representative of the workers for that economic industry operating within that particular region. They would work closely with regional-Commissions and other worker-related Advisory-bodies organisations to ensure that the interests of their workers are represented in all areas of concern within their respective regions. The Economy-Unionist would also be responsible for regulating labour laws and regulations, ensuring that employers and regional management companies treat workers fairly and ethically.

Overall, the role of an Economy-Unionist would be to ensure that the needs and concerns of the workers are heard and addressed in the policymaking process, promoting a fair and just economic system in an ethnosocialist State.

Ethno: Indicate people with a shared culture and practices. The term ‘ethnoism’ is defined in terms of collectivism and of the practice or social cohesiveness of a group of people in conformity with individual self-interest goals. Ethno is an emphasis on an approach to the various human cultures relative to the collective-individualism affirmation of a group of people.

Ethnocorporatism: Ethnocorporatism can be defined as a non-monetary economic system where economic interests and social identity of a collective of different ethnic groups are united as a nation in the decision-making processes of the government and corporations, leading to the creation of exclusive economic enclaves for those groups with a shared, collective approach to economic planning and distribution.

Ethnocorporatism is a socio-economic theory that transcends traditional monetary systems, focusing instead on integrating the economic interests and social identities of diverse ethnic groups within a nation. In ethnocorporatist frameworks, decision-making processes within both the government and corporations are shaped by the collective voices and concerns of these ethnic groups, emphasising their shared national identity. This approach seeks to foster unity and cohesion among various ethnic communities by involving them actively in economic planning and resource distribution.

Central to ethnocorporatism is the idea of creating exclusive economic enclaves tailored to the needs and aspirations of each ethnic group. These enclaves serve as platforms for collective economic development, where resources, opportunities, and benefits are allocated according to the specific requirements and preferences of each community. By recognising and respecting the cultural, linguistic, and historical distinctiveness of different ethnic groups, ethnocorporatism aims to promote social harmony and mutual understanding within the broader framework of national unity.

Ethnocorporatist systems often prioritise inclusive policies that address the socio-economic disparities among ethnic communities, striving to ensure equitable access to resources and opportunities for all citizens. Through collaborative decision-making processes involving the secretariats who executes provisions and implement policies for the various government institutions, economic-unionists who are heads of corporations, and citizenry-committees who are representatives of diverse ethnic groups, ethnocorporatism seeks to reconcile individual interests with collective welfare, thereby fostering a more cohesive and resilient United African society.

Overall, ethnocorporatism represents a departure from purely monetary-driven economic models, emphasising the importance of cultural diversity and social cohesion in shaping economic policies and practices. By embracing the multifaceted identities of its citizenry, ethnocorporatist nations aim to build stronger, more inclusive societies capable of confronting the challenges of the modern world while preserving the richness of their cultural heritage.

Ethnopublic: Communities of people with different ethnic backgrounds or nations with different social identities, united as a nation – not by race, religion or ethnicity – but by their proclaimed common-unity and shared practices of socio-economic interests, and the citizens having shared-governance of the day-to-day affairs of their government.

Ethnosocialism: A socialist nationalism where the modes of economic production, control of property and natural resources are publicly owned, and the means of economic production, distribution and exchange are collectively regulated by members of the nation. In other words, ethnosocialism is a socio-economic practice of a nation, regulated by the government for the people, and publicly owned by the people.

Govox-Populi: A non-partisan socialist administrative system of government where the governed people are the State’s Legislative power-holder in control of government policy decision-making in a daily elective-process. Govox-populi is the activities associated with the governance of a country or area, especially the planning of collective governed people having shared control of government power. These collective groups are called the ‘electorates’ and their government are called the ‘govoxiers’, and their collective activities are aimed at improving their collective societal condition above individual interests within an organisation.

In the context of Govox-populi, non-partisanship signifies a fundamental aspect of the citizenry’s role as the electors and decision-makers of govoxical policies, transcending political party divisions and affiliations. Within govox-populi framework, the focus shifts from partisan interests to the collective welfare of society as a whole, where citizenry-electors prioritise the common good over narrow ideological agendas. Govoxical non-partisanship fosters inclusivity and cooperation among diverse segments of the population, allowing for the emergence of consensus-based decision-making processes that reflect the broad spectrum of societal needs and values. By transcending partisan divides, Govox-populi promotes a sense of unity and shared purpose among citizens, enabling them to work collaboratively towards the advancement of collective well-being and societal progress.

The concept of Govox-populi represents a distinctive form of socialist administrative governance, wherein the populace collectively holds legislative power and actively participates in the decision-making processes of government policy on a daily basis through an elective process. This system prioritises the direct involvement and empowerment of the governed people, who are regarded as the ultimate authority in shaping government policies and initiatives.

At the heart of Govox-populi lies the notion of collective governance, where the entire population is organised into electorates, such as citizenry-electorates and the working-group, representing diverse segments of society. These electorates serve as the foundational units of govoxical participation, with each electorate having shared control over governmental power. The individuals within these electorates engage in collective activities aimed at improving the societal condition of their respective communities, prioritising the common good over individual interests.

Within the framework of Govox-populi, the governance of the country or region is characterised by a continuous and dynamic process of decision-making, wherein the electorates actively contribute to policy formulation and implementation for their representatives in government, referred to as the govoxiers. Through regular elections, selections and populocratic mechanisms, the populace selects representatives to advocate and implement their interests, policies and preferences within the government.

Key features of Govox-populi include:

1. Direct Participation: The governed people are directly involved in the governance process, with the power to shape government policies and initiatives through regular participation in decision-making activities.
2. Collective Decision-Making: Governance decisions are made collectively by the electorates, reflecting a consensus-based approach that prioritises the common welfare of society over individual interests.
3. Populocratic Selections: Representatives, or govoxiers, are elected by the electorates through populocratic processes, ensuring accountability and representation in government.
4. Societal Improvement: The primary goal of Govox-populi is to enhance the collective societal condition, focusing on initiatives and policies that promote social justice, equality, and well-being for all members of society.
5. Socialist Principles: Govox-populi operates within an ethosocialist framework, emphasising principles of equity, solidarity, and national ownership of resources to address societal challenges and disparities.

Overall, Govox-populi is a non-partisan system that embodies a vision of participatory socialism, where the governed people actively engage in governance processes to create a more just, equitable, and inclusive society. By empowering electorates to collectively shape government policies and initiatives, Govox-populi seeks to foster greater societal cohesion and address the needs and aspirations of all citizens.

Govoxical Reality: The voice of the governed people is the ultimate authority, and decisions made by the government is based on the will of the majority.

African HomeLand: African HomeLand refers to the continent of Africa as the ancestral and cultural origin of people of African descent, and a place of historical, cultural, and spiritual significance to the African diaspora.

House-of-StateLord: The House-of-StateLord is a parliamentary-like institution where a socialist StateLord in an ethnosocialist society sit and makes judicial judgments on issues of regional, national and international importance. House-of-StateLords is where a group of leaders from different States united as a nation convene to deliberate on and make judicial decisions as a collective on issues of each of their regional, national and international importance.

The House-of-StateLords have the power to ratify citizenry-prescribed or selected laws, approve budgets, and supervise the implementation of policies. The House also serve as the highest court of appeal, with the authority to interpret and adjudicate disputes arising from the lower courts or between regions.

Lawderly: Lawderly is defined in contrast to the Police. While the police are responsible for enforcing the law and maintaining public order, Lawderly operates as a neutral and impartial arbitrator of legal disputes, working in harmony with society to ensure that justice is served in all cases.

Molaw: Molaw is a mobile force that can be moved around by the order of Lawderly to de-escalate violent situations but maintains a closed environment to support the Lawderly, with their power to exert control by the use of force. This is to demonstrate that Molaw are a group relied upon by the Lawderly in specific situations to contain potential harm or de-escalate a violent situation for public safety concerns. Molaw has a direct obligation to Lawderly and the use of molaw power must comply with lawderly instruction. As such, Lawderly takes direct responsibility for the action of Molaw in a court of law.

Moneyless Trade-Off: Moneyless trade-off refers to a system of exchanging goods and services without the use of money, typically through a form of non-monetary exchange.

Palaver-Court: Palaver court refers to a traditional African judicial system, also known as a “people’s court,” where disputes and conflicts are resolved through a process of open dialogue, negotiation, and mediation, often involving the participation of community elders and leaders. In an ethnosocialist society, the palaver-court is presided over by appointed Judges in lower courts, and the House-of-StateLord Tribunal in individual State acting as the court of appeal for and over the lower courts. Exceptional cases of general public importance can further be appealed on a question of law to the House-of-StateLords Assembly acting as the supreme court of United African States.

Pan-Africanism: Pan-Africanism is a political and social movement that advocates for the unity, solidarity, and cooperation of people of African descent, both on the African continent and in the diaspora.

Pension-group: Pension-group are pensioners in an ethnosocialist society and refer to individuals who have retired from their jobs and receive a regular pension or retirement CSP credit from the State, and can be considered a pension social group as they share common economic and social characteristics related to their retired status and reliance on pension entitlement.

Additionally, the pension-group in an ethnosocialist society can be recalled back to work on a temporary basis to fill a gap in a particular industry or workplace or in times of national emergency relating to each of their specific skillset.

Populocracy: Populocracy is a socialist government rule by the governed people, for the people who are elected to govern, and of the collective of the people of a nation.

Populocracy, as contrasted with traditional democracy, represents a unique socialist governance model where the governed people exercise direct control over the government, which operates for and by the collective of the nation. Unlike conventional democratic systems, where representatives are elected to govern on behalf of the populace, populocracy emphasises a more direct and participatory approach to governance. In populocracy, the elected officials are not mere representatives but rather facilitators of the collective will and aspirations of the populace. Governance decisions are made through a consensus-building process that involves active participation and input from all members of society who are of voting age, ensuring that policies and initiatives are aligned with the broader interests and values of the population as a whole.

Populocracy prioritises the empowerment of the governed people, enabling them to actively shape the direction of government policies and initiatives in a manner that reflects their shared vision for a more equitable and just society. By fostering a sense of collective ownership and responsibility for governance, populocracy seeks to promote social cohesion, inclusivity, and the realisation of the common good.

Pre-working age group: The pre-working age group refers to individuals who are below the legal working age in a socialist society. This group typically includes children and adolescents who are not yet legally permitted to work, and who are generally dependent on their families and/or the State for support and care. In an ethnosocialist society, policies and programs are implemented to provide social protections and entitlement for this group, such as free education and healthcare, childcare services, appropriate housing and other forms of social welfare.

Promotional-group: A promotional-group is a socialist governmental group that aims to promote and advocate for the interests of the government or a particular cause or issue. The primary goal of a promotional-group is to advance its members’ interests through various forms of advocacy, such as lobbying, public relations campaign, and other forms of governmental or social engagement.

In contrast, a protective-group is a non-socialist governmental group that focuses on defending and protecting the rights and interests of its government from external threats, such as government policies or actions that may harm its interests. The primary goal of a protective-group is to preserve and safeguard its members’ interests through various forms of advocacy and mobilisation, such as legal or strike action, protests, or lobbying.

Protégé society: Protégé society refers to a social system in which a more advanced or developed society takes on the role of a “protector” or “mentor” to a less developed or struggling society, providing support and guidance in building a social order. This could involve providing aid, technical assistance, and other forms of support to help the protégé society build its social institutions, economy, and infrastructure. It could also involve providing economic and military support, promoting cultural exchange, and advocating for the protégé nation’s interests in international forums. The aim of such a system could be to promote greater social equality and reduce poverty, or to exploit the Protégé nations of its natural resources for the benefit of the advanced nation, while also fostering mutual understanding and cooperation between societies.

Redeem System: Redeem system represents a fundamentally different approach to the Prison system. In contrast, the republican prison system, which is typically characterised by a closed, hierarchical structure and with work-ethics analogous to slavery in which prisoners are coerced to work for almost nothing for the monetary benefit of the Prison system or to benefit the shareholders of those who controls privatised service provisions to the prison service institutions.

The Redeem system is designed to be operated in an open communitarian condition, participatory and with capitalist work-ethics in which members are responsible to engage in paid-work activities made widely available within the institution which would allow individuals to earn their own income within the limitation of the erratic and constant fluctuating value of money for their welfare such as housing, foods, toiletries, everything and anything, throughout their redemption days.

Resource-Based Economy: A resource-based economy is an economic system that relies on the careful management and distribution of natural resources to meet the needs of the population.

A resource-based economy is an economic system that emphasises the careful management and distribution of natural resources to ensure the well-being of individuals and communities. In this system, the allocation of resources is determined by careful analysis of societal needs, with a focus on minimising waste, reducing environmental impact, and promoting sustainability

The resource-based economy is often contrasted with traditional market-based economic systems, which rely on the production and exchange of goods and services for profit. In a resource-based economy, the goal is not to maximise profit but rather to optimise resource use and ensure that the needs of the population are met sustainably.

Proponents of the resource-based economy argue that it could help address many of the problems associated with traditional economic systems, such as inequality, environmental degradation, and resource depletion.

Secretariat-Ambassador: A secretariat-ambassador is a ministerial head in an ethnosocialist society who is responsible for managing the State’s executive relations with other states sharing the same national identity. This individual would oversee a team of secretariat-diplomats within their ministry and supervise the implementation of policies to regional-Commissions that represent regional-communities within its State boundary.

The secretariat-ambassador is also responsible for regulating the implementation performance of the State’s regional policy and ensuring that it aligns with the State’s broader strategic goals and national objectives of the secretariat-branch of government. This would involve taking directions from the secretary-of-state and his/her deputy and working closely with other secretariat-ambassadors in other States to share resources and implement policies that promote each of their State’s interests and values on the national stage.

Secretary-of-State: The secretary-of-state in an ethnosocialist society is the chief executive head of government of the state, with broad authority to manage the day-to-day operations of the government and to implement policies and programs under the socialist principles and values of the society

As the head of the executive-branch, the secretary-of-state would be responsible for overseeing the work of other government officials and departments, such as the citizenry-branch, economy-branch and the judicial-branch in lower field to the House-of-StateLords, including its secretariat-ministries.

The secretary-of-state would also have the power to issue executive orders and directives, appoint and remove government officials within its secretariat-ministries, put a proposal to the state decision-makers (the citizenry-electorates or the working-group) for the removal or appointment of any other government official, and regulates the laws and regulations of the State.

Overall, the secretary-of-state is the most powerful figure in an ethnosocialist society, with significant executive power to shape the direction and priorities of the government and to promote the welfare of the people.

Social Justice: Social justice refers to the idea that every individual should have access to the same opportunities and resources, regardless of their economic contribution or social status in their society.

Social Resources: Social resources refer to the collective assets, knowledge, and networks within a society that can be leveraged to support individual and community well-being.

Socio-Economy: Socio-economy refers to the interaction between social and economic factors, such as how economic policies and institutions impact social welfare and inequality. It takes into account the social aspects of economic systems and how they affect individuals and groups.

For example, socio-economy explores how economic policies and institutions impact social welfare and inequality. It recognises that economic growth and development are not only about increasing production and consumption but also about the distribution of benefits and resources.

Socio-economy also considers the role of social institutions, such as family, education, and healthcare, in shaping economic outcomes. It recognises that social institutions have a significant impact on individual well-being and can also influence economic productivity and growth.

Overall, socio-economy is an interdisciplinary field that seeks to understand the dynamic and complex relationship between social and economic factors and how they shape society as a whole. It aims to create policies and systems that prioritise both social and economic well-being, rather than viewing them as separate and distinct realms.

StateLord-Councillor: StateLord-Councillor is an elected official who serves as a local representative and policy supervisor within regional local government jurisdiction, such as city councils and town councils. Their primary role is to represent the judicial interests and concerns of their constituents and work to improve the well-being of their local community within each of their local governing section of their regional-community. They participate in local government meetings, and Advisory-bodies’ debates, and monitor the secretariat implementation within each of their city planning, community development, social services, and citizenry entitlements. They also work alongside their regional citizenry-committees and economy-unionists to address specific issues and engage with constituents through public meetings and events.

StateLord-Councillors would also be responsible for staffing and managing statutory street-wardens with dedicated out-building attached to every street within each of their constituent area, with the ultimate responsibilities to carrying out environmental sanitation and devout maintenance of allocated street areas, which explores preferences for various street-planting models, particularly local parks, play-centres, streets and alleyway road areas with different compositions of flowers, with or without trees.

StateLord-Governor: StateLord-Governor is an official who is responsible for the administrative and executive functions of a regional county and overseeing the work of StateLord-Councillors within its regional jurisdiction. StateLord-Governors are typically elected by the people within their region and they perform judicial duties, such as the appointments of palaver-court judges and head of the lawderly service, and the regulation of the courts within their regions in the name of their respective StateLord. Their primary duties also include overseeing the secretariat management of regional budgets, public services, and infrastructure projects, as well as maintaining public safety and security.

StateLord-Governors also work with other government officials, such as regional-Commissioners, local StateLord-Councillors, citizenry-committees and economy-unionists, to propose citizenry policies and programs that promote economic growth and social welfare within their region. They also represent their region in national government discussions and may play a role in negotiating regional trade agreements and other partnerships.

StateLord: StateLord is the head of the judicial-branch of government, and can also be the head-of-state in an ethnosocialist society. StateLords are joint head-of-states with the supreme judicial power of the State government in the context of the United African States. It is a state-centred system where a group of leaders from different African States are united as a nation on the African continent and collaborate to oversee and govern all African regions as a whole as a joint-head.

StateLords have the authority to make judicial decisions binding upon all other branches of government, such as the executive and the legislative, and they have supreme control over the judiciary system.

Web-internetisation: Web-internetisation refers to the process of creating, developing, and expanding web-based platforms, tools, and services that enable individuals and organisations to access and use the internet for various purposes. It involves the integration of web technologies and online services into different aspects of everyday life, such as communication, commerce, entertainment, education, and social interaction.

Web-internetisation has transformed the way people interact with information and with each other and has created new opportunities for innovation, collaboration, and entrepreneurship. It has also raised important questions about privacy, security, and digital rights, as well as access and inclusion in a global digital society.

Working-group: In an ethnosocialist society, a working-group is a collective of individuals within the working-age group who engage in economic activities in the national interests specifically to meet their individual economic daily needs and wants. They are grouped to accomplish a specific task or goal related to the economic functioning of society. These groups are organised within a workplace or a community and are typically guided by collective principles that promote collective decision-making, participation, and collaboration. Working-group in an ethnosocialist society would be seen to address a range of issues, including economic planning, environmental sustainability, social justice, and cultural development.

The purpose of a working-group is to mobilise the skills and resources of society members to advance the common good and to foster a sense of community and shared purpose. Working-groups in an ethnosocialist society have the ultimate authority to make rules and regulations relating to their work practices in shared power of the legislative-branch of government.