MANIFESTO: AFRICAN CORPORATIST SOCIETY
By: Omolaja Makinee
A FIVE-VOLUME LITERARY BOOK
VOLUME 1: ETHNO-CORPORATISM: TOWARD NON-MONETARY ECONOMIC SELF-SUFFICIENCY SUBSISTENCE.
AFRICAN CORPORATISM
Copyright © 2020 by Omolaja Makinee
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without written permission from the author.
ISBN: 979-8-87980-376-1 Paperback
: 978-1-64999-792-0 Paperback
Printed in Africa by Makinee
26-July-2020
Table of Contents
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
1. RE: ETHNO-ALTRUIST OF AFRICAN SOCIETY
2. WESTERN STATES AND AFRICAN SOCIETY
Coup de Grace of Capitalism
From Onuma to Ubuntu: A Pathway to Unity of all African Nations
3. POSITION OF AFRICAN CORPORATISM
African Corporatist Economic Revolution
African Ethno-Corporatism – A Citizenry Economy
4.ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF AFRICAN CORPORATISM
Trade-Economic Ideals of Ethno-Corporatism
Socio-Economic Structure of Altruism System
5. STATE GOVERNING SYSTEM OF AFRICAN CORPORATISM
Governing Ethos of Govox-Populi
Socialism in Africa
6. CRITICAL UTOPIAN ETHNOSOCIALISM
Ideal Formation of Secretariat-Ministries
Govoxical Ethos of African Ethnosocialist Society
References and Select Bibliography
Preface
Corporatism is sensitive to myself, consciousness and intentionality and I render it in this manifesto as a new determinism of societal reaction, to a realisation of an altruist society and altruist socio-economic relations, because I believe that the theory of corporatism that had been introduced so far were chiefly based on exercising political authoritative-power to regulate the economy, social hierarchies, and class collaborations and enforcing the positions of class system and class society.
We are conditioned to must rely on money for every need and want, and they encourage us to place our human resources mainly in titles to money. But money, in which we place our useful values, has no unified monetary system to which all working-group can be expected to gain equally from a unified standardisation of the monetary system. Money, therefore, is not in accord with human nature and is a nemesis to the social order of our human society.
The economic conditions of inflations, recessions, and deflations are not merely the results of the failure of the existence of any standardised monetary policy, but the illusion that a market-economy can regulate the natural order of trade-economy under a standardised monetary framework. But there is no standardised money framework that benefits all people anywhere, and the price mechanisms of money remain inefficient to allocate economic resources equally. This has been my message that money is the tool of class system and class society, and we need to rid of the money-economy to achieve the economic self-sufficiency subsistence we seek in Africa.
Nowhere do corporatists’ notions consider themselves more in place than in the organised business of Planned-Economy; yet nowhere is the need for compelling immediate action of economic development than in Africa. Whereas, the genuine place of altruist groups is within the economic-order, within the sphere of the provision of wealth; whereas, the place of status-group is within the social-order, within the sphere of the recognition of honour. And the culmination of status-groups and altruist-system will orient toward implementing socio-economic regulations based on equalism, and neither power-class nor economic class.
The common theme in this first volume of the African corporatism manifesto, I am dealing with the implications of monetary economy and its unequal performance in the allocations and distributions of wealth everywhere it functions usually attributed to the global market-economy. Why should one type of job earn more money than the other? Why should the working-group in one country remain in abject poverty and the other enjoy the conditions of excess economic resources? What defines the working-group in Africa to the ones in America? Are they not of equal skills and of equal entitlement to the titles of money with the capacity to afford the same material needs for their economic survival? Why is the system of monetary policies or its conditions of price mechanisms keeping the African States in abject poverty and scarce economic resource, while imbuing the western States with excess economic resources and with abundant wealth? In particular, why is the monetary income standard based on the difference between the wages paid to the worker and the value of the commodity produced by the owner to generate profit? – Thus institutes the inequality of income-standard among industries; creating shortages of workers in some industries and excess of workers in others – a condition that sees workers being paid for their artistic skills and not for the service of labour itself; the very exchange for money for their artistic skills is a class of inequality in itself.
Karl Marx has been a particular inspiration for particularly economic revolution through organised actions; of my call for all African State-governments and the working-group in Africa to come together in an ethno-corporatist unity and empower the entire African population and develop the economy without being bound by the condition of a monetary economy that I identified would hinder such progress. I say, between the proposed African corporatists and the unitary form of all African State-governments there lays the proposed future transformation of the working-group into a new State governing system of all African States.
In recognition of the collective aspirations of our African ancestral Pan-African proposition to seek a more Afrocentric economic model since the 1940s, we will establish the African ethno-corporatist society, and through this, the abolition of the political governing system along with protégism would be replaced by a government of the people that would have caused the establishment of populocratic constitution that empowers citizenry as State power-holder in direct control of every decision-making of the administration of government, the economy, and social affairs of African citizenry collectively.
Introduction
The term “Ethno” indicates people with a shared culture and practices. In this context, I defined ‘ethnoism’ in terms of collectivism – of the practice or social cohesiveness of a group of people in conformity with individual self-interest goals. The term “Corporatism”, on the other hand, is derived from the Latin ‘Corpus,’ meaning “Human body” – which also means ‘the fundamental part of an organ or bodily structure’. Corporatism, also called Corporativism, is the theory and practice of organising society into economic ‘corporational groups’ subordinate to the State.
As a result, the term ‘Ethno’ and the term ‘Corporatism’, both combined make the English word ‘Ethno-Corporatism’, which I defined as a form of socio-economic nationalism wherein a State is defined in terms of its ownership of the means of production and their operations towards common prosperity for the citizenry collectively and for their economic-equality. To put it simply, ethno-corporatism is a people organised as a nation based on their common socio-economic customs.
The central theme of ethno-corporatism is that a Nation is defined based on its citizenry’s common socio-economic interests, which includes a common assent of the direction of their national economy, a common unity in their productive capacity based on their direct production of utility to produce direct use-value to meet direct demands of citizenry-consumers, and a common ideology to custom non-monetary economy in their national socio-economic relations. It also includes the theory that the means of production should be owned by the State and directed towards the economic self-sufficiency subsistence of citizenry collectively. That means that, for a nation to achieve its economic prosperity under ethno-corporatism, the State has to provide the manufacturing and training facilities of all basic economic productions and services and the condition for moneyless trade-offs of products or services, to allow the citizenry working-group to provide the labour and cultivation of material resource for useful value towards their collective economic self-sufficiency subsistence.
The theory of ethno-corporatism I developed to model a retreat conversion from the present model of protégism, to the future corporatist model; for epoch-making of African society to revive our ancient African socialist way of life for its citizenry, its government structure and economy all at once. This involves a total break with the present, a complete reconstruction of all African States to a unified ‘One’ Nation-State, and the adoption of a moneyless socio-economic framework to achieve economic self-sufficiency subsistence in Africa, by Africans, and for Africans.
Ethno-corporatism is a socio-economic ideology which advocates the organisation of society by corporate citizenry groups, such as citizenry-economists and citizenry-committees under its governmental structure. The term “Ethno-corporatism” can therefore be appropriate to the productive capacity to produce economic value by the working-group to the benefit of the citizenry collectively.
This manifesto calls for the national unification of all African States’ economies to achieve an ethno-corporatist revolution that would provide the direct transition of the unitary form of all African States into a single national body and to achieve the economic self-sufficiency subsistence we seek in Africa.
Corporatism deposed the western-built capitalism because the emergence of economic-internetisation in the 1990s exposed capitalism as economically inefficient to conduct the socio-economic affairs of society in the modern age of web-internetisation. I claim that we are no longer in the global era of capitalist society; we are now in the era of global corporatist society operating under the Protective-group of the deposed capitalist socio-economic model – such as the governing institutions of politics, the police States, the notions of democracy, market system and the illusory representation of the monetary economy.
There are many reasons corporatism is a higher form than all hitherto systems in human society. Introducing ethno-corporatism in Africa would be to further expose not just protégism merely, but capitalism as well; of their dependence on the market forces of the monetary economy, for example, and how all these socio-economic systems functions based on decorating the monetary framework and policies in a certain order; that directs the course of price mechanisms to dictates the affairs of the market, with the allocation of economic resources that always rolls the dice to favour those that appropriate monetary value to place themselves at the top of the class hierarchy in society.
The monetary system determines the economic stability of a society anywhere in the world – take money away from society and institute a moneyless trade-off resource accounting on goods and services, and the order that capitalists or protégists or any other class system for that matter appropriates in their continuing operation of class society which they stand upon, would fall.
Whilst capitalism institutes a monetary system to dictate its efficient allocation of economic resources that favours the institution of class in the global economy between nations, corporatism is structured and specifically designed to carry out society function of Planned-Economy, Controlled-Economy, or Command-Economy directly on a moneyless trade-off of goods and services, and more in place to respond efficiently to the allocation of economic resource that can make the institution of class in society obsolete.
Having known these much, if the proposed ethno-corporatist society now developing in this manifesto achieve its appropriation in Africa, albeit that Africa is harbouring the poorest countries in the world, I guarantee that ethno-corporatism would rise Africa to the position of excess economic resource and wealth – and then the socio-condition of economic-equalism would, as a matter of course, counteract the normal operation of class in society and all the other undesirables plighting our African society at the present and brought about by the appropriation of monetary economy.
As of me personally, I am on the autism-spectrum with certain communication deficits and it is difficult enough to communicate in writing, and even all the more difficult to talk about a thing. I recognise that to do nothing, at this very juncture in our history in Africa, is the most difficult thing of all. In this manifesto, I profess my contempt of class system in an encapsulated sense and submit criticisms against the sterile economic crippling of protégism dictating the condition of its scarce economic resource in Africa. I say, our modern 21st-century is a turning point in the history of African society collectively to achieve economic self-sufficiency subsistence on account of this manifesto.
CHAPTER ONE
RE: ETHNO-ALTRUIST OF AFRICAN SOCIETY
The ancient flame wakes within Africa – the flame of egalitarianism. Our lifeblood has quickened through terrible pulses over the centuries, to exorcise every imposition to our collectivism, spiritualism and cultured way of life. All the powers from the colonial era are at different stages in our history, known to mollycoddle our advances. Mollycoddling has kept the African States in their nurseling position and we have remained in the spoon-feeding of rationalised mental attitude with no form of alternative progress from nowhere.
We recognise it: In the year 1457, the Council of Cardinals met in Holland and sanctioned, as a righteous and progressive idea the enslavement of Africans to purpose our conversion to Christianity, and to be abided in exploitation in the western States’ labour market as chattel property; then, in the year 1885, thirteen European countries, the Ottoman Empire and the United States of America assembled at the Berlin Conference to agree the rules of Africans colonisation and the arbitrary division of African society to be shared amongst them into different national boundaries – where the system of chattel slavery gave way to the colonial system; the base for the economic revolution of the western societies that develop their emerging capitalist societies to accumulate excess economic resource from Africa.
We recognise it, more so exceedingly, that economy is a social struggle that mode the system of govern-mentality in human society in the world. Economy, we have made little progress in resolving the affairs of the economy in Africa. We have talked about it extensively, even created the ‘Economic Community of West African States’ (ECOWAS), the African Union member States, and the whatnots, without really making much progress within them or to the rest of African States.
To make a starting point for any progress, I say, we will have to ask ourselves some hard questions and we will have to be boldly ethical with our answers. I asked: Why did the colonial actors partition Africa into foreign national boundaries and for whose benefits were it created? Who’s profiting from it now post-colonial? Are we lacking the ethical fraternity, or the social intercourse, to combine our economic resources, joint governing bodies, shared legal authorities, communal social establishments, allied cultured way of life, our indigenous sense of religious spirituality, collective solidarity, united fronts, and merged inspirations toward common interests and goals? To paraphrase W. E. B. Du Bois: “The social and economic problem of 21st century Africa is the problem of the borderline”.
In this ethno-corporatist manifesto of Africa edition, I am dealing mainly with the form of relations that affects the social and economic system in Africa. For economy for the sake of the economy is the basic aim of human survival, and economy for the sake of common unity of a society is the aim of any given State’s govern-mentality, and of that practical organisation of governing that we call: Government.
The state government maintains the central role that ensures the measure of each of their territorial control and regulation of their population to exist for the concentration of human energy. The concept of government focuses on stability and inclusive development, and their responsibility to govern must ensure a viable regulatory environment for the people to meet their economic survival, both individually and as a collective. This basic understanding between the government and the governed encourages society members’ contribution through economic labour and customs of setting up businesses to the socio-economic development of their society’s common unity.
The socio-economic paradigm that African leaders and economists administered to progress the post-colonial era no longer provides a simple answer today. Africans are living in resource poverty compared to other nations across the world. The influence of the western economic management models we rely upon to regulate trade and market forces is not favourable to African citizens to meet their economic self-sufficiency subsistence. African society, I say, should reorganise based on functions, such that individual citizens would cooperate to achieve their individual desired healthy-individualism by emphasising collective interests while rejecting interests of class collaborations and any form of socio-economic hierarchies in African society.
Whereas, it is undoubtedly the case that economy is every government socio-economic initiatives as a social-contract to which citizenry are in agreement, in the will of common-unity in human society; it is the proper occupation of society sustainability and human socio-economic survival. It is worth educating ourselves of the history of our ancient African-Socialism – a form of an egalitarian society; where, to quote Reverend Edward W. Blyden (1908), in Africa “All work for each, and each work for all”.
In particular, I studied how African primitive communities had transitioned into their ancient-society where they all practised an economic altruist-system in the same format, albeit in different variations, under a collectivist culture and cooperative economic custom. This manifesto advocates for the revival of our ancient African-socialism. The transforming structure of epoch-making to transition our ancient African cooperative economic system from their interspersed small-scale micro-economy to merge them together in a large-scale macro-economy of ethno-corporatism, would require the unity of all the divided African nations into a single national body.
In Africa today, we find ourselves on a border of uncertainty between our protégé economic model and the torrential waves of the emerging global corporatist economic model appearing on the web-internetisation platform. At first sight, this border of uncertainty appears to be progressive and capable of transitioning our African economy to some western-style capitalist model system yet unknown. But on reflection, the emerging global corporatist economic model that the African younger generation rely to progress their daily activities through reliance on the internet and modern computerised technology concludes that the very reason the free-falling transition of all African economies is uncertain at this juncture in our history in Africa is that none of the corporatist economic frames that is occurring at present globally, is compatible with any known protégé economic model and thus cannot provide a test of whether the economic advances we seek in Africa to adopt western-style capitalism model can fulfil the economic development in Africa at present, let alone attempt the analyses of African’s desire for economic self-sufficiency and excess economic resource in our current generation.
The economic model of China and India illustrates this very well from an identical multiple point of view. We understand that whilst there are dangers in acting as we are in seeking economic trade relations with global State actors under the failed global capitalistic model, but we recognise that the dangers of inaction during this crucial period of transitioning away from the crippling protégé economic model are far, far greater, and the possibility to transition to a more advanced protégé version of a capitalistic economic model, is the threats to our economic advances to self-sufficiency and subsistence that we seek in Africa – it is a threat to the unity and stability of our socio-economic organisations of all African States.
An economic framework I recognised to be of considerable guidance to exploits the ongoing transitioning of African crippled economies to an advanced economy self-sufficiency subsistence of all African States, is ethno-corporatism. The all hitherto theories of corporatism introduced so far does not fit in what I envisaged to achieve the all-encompassing framework for African’s economic self-sufficiency subsistence at the present – it may be because of the lack of any corporatist ideology to stop enforcing society of class system, or perhaps the socio-economic hierarchies they perk up to is just becoming increasingly unprogressive, or in fact because of the fallaciousness of monetary economy and its arrays of ineffective policies with interest rates and the whatnots. But the concept of corporatism itself, defined as a “socio-economic system of harmonious interest representation and organised and designated functions, based on an organic solidarity of all socio-economic divisions individually contributing its general health and functionality in the affairs of the State and of members of society, into a single public institution;” has strengthened the resolve in my revolutionary thinking to favour ethno-corporatism drawn from the classical framework of corporatism itself, in this manifesto for the proposed African socio-economic transition from protégism.
The concept of a classless society by Karl-Marx in his theory of the Communist-Manifesto (1848); the multifaceted nature of communism’s spread in Europe, China and other States, has all failed to realise a society of classless socio-economic system the theory of communism preaches. Nor has the emergence of corporatist States anywhere, in all its multifaceted theories and State governing organised structure, has yet fulfilled the relative perspective to a socio-economic model of a society of classless system the world citizens seeks.
Most relevant is the cooperative economic custom that existed in ancient African societies, which form the basis for my conceptualised theory of ethno-corporatist society, to at least give us a sense of the corporatist experience of an altruist model and economic self-sufficiency and subsistence that the African leaders propounded to be their aspirations for our African society since their fight for independent Africa from western colonial rule.
The current African young generation have inherited the aspirations of our grand-fathers and grand-mothers, to re-create the socio-economic conditions derived from our ancient cooperative economic relations, and to strive toward the development model beyond the force of western imposed protégism that hindered their progress from achieving those noble aspirations. I say, our generation is here to overcome!
CHAPTER TWO
WESTERN STATES AND AFRICAN SOCIETY
The history of all hitherto existing State governments is the history of national economic struggles.
I identified six historical epochs in African society; each corresponds to an era in which the system of governance defined the economic practice of the African people. The function of government provides the legal and social framework in which individuals can guarantee their economic survival in its society. In ancient times, the interspersed communities of almost 10,000 African governments exercised responsibilities for the provision of goods and services, redistribution of income and correcting for externalities under our developed cooperative economy. At the present, our African government are struggling to stabilise the economy, maintain healthy competition, and run and manage things under the adopted western economic model of capitalism.
Each epoch from the primitive time to the present progress from early human history when people held things in common interests in African society (and as identified by Karl Marx as the ‘primitive-communism’ in Western society in his Communist-Manifesto first published in 1848); and African society progressed through other epochs and to its current state of affairs – the Protégé-society; and to which this manifesto proposed to progress from protégism to ethno-corporatism.
In the proposed future after the ethno-corporatist economy will emerge what would appear to be a classless economic system in its most advanced stage, first advocated by Karl Marx, to which a new socio-economic socialism will depose ethno-corporatism to history. But in this ethno-corporatist economy to which I propose, African younger generation are demonstrating their capability toward innovative economic relations in practice on the web-internetisation platform, and to exercise interdependent shared-control of State power between the government and the governed.
AFRICAN HISTORICAL EPOCH
Diagram-1
In the earlier epoch in the history of African society, we find everywhere a distinct arrangement of self-governing bodies in certain order, a reminiscence of a classless society – a self-regulated custom of collective-individualism desirable to individuals and progressed from a community of clans to clans. We can classify the primitive era of African society as the self-government of individuals by and to their selves; individualism and kinfolks that govern themselves and achieve their economic survival through the advances and progress of the collectives.
In ancient Africa we have Kings and Queens, village chiefs and traditional leaders, herbalists and seers – in large areas of Africa in the ancient world, a cluster of villages of civilisations existed, with an organised system of ethnocracy form of governance, practised under an Imperial administrative government structure, and dominated and controlled by ethnic groups in kinship ties with a shared-sense of religious beliefs, language, and traditions.
Ethnoism structure, therefore, is a common-unity of interests as a form of a socialist authority that rests upon beliefs in the ‘rightness’ of established customs and traditions of a group. The concept of African ethnoism structure is a characteristic quality of populism. Under ethno-populism, the indigenous ancient African ruling monarch, through their chiefs or traditional leaders, relies on the opinions and views of community members through debates and gatherings at town square centres to guide their rules of conduct in conformity with their ancestral ethnic traditions and customs. Their social practice was communal and their organised social system was on a patriarchal lines whereby there are separate duties and responsibilities based on gender. They practice the custom of social inheritance whereby the offspring inherits the social position held by the parents – from father to son and mother to daughter.
The village citizenry submits themselves to the feelings and loyalty to the long-standing and established traditional values and practices to which all are in the obligation to follow and obey the judicial leadership of their ruling monarch and the executive direction of their chiefs or socialist traditional authority. This classifies the Imperial system of government with the ethnocracy form of governance practised by indigenous ancient African communities.
Ethno-populism practised by indigenous ancient African communities can be understood as a society in which judicial governing power is considered supreme and is held by the ruling monarch, the administrative power is held by the chiefs or traditional leaders, the economic power practised on an altruist-system of cooperative-economy is held by the community economic workers, and the legislative power to voice populist opinions and direct the course of both the governing and administrative power is held by the governed people regardless of gender.
Ancient African people had built safe and spiritually endowed societies reminiscence of a set of religion in pantheistic doctrines in the religious belief that God is present within Nature, before the first Arab invasion of northern African hemisphere, the arrival of western European missionaries, adventurers, free-booters, and slave traders in the subsequent Chattel-era, through to the western labour-force in the Colonial era, came to Africa to propagate their spiritual beliefs in the doctrine of a supernatural mystic in the Abrahamic religious concept that God is above Nature and not present within it. Primitive Africans do not know how to exist without deriving their spiritualism from Nature, and thus the philosophy of Nature became their religion. We can find the philosophical identity of the African people in the pantheistic religious beliefs of God as ‘One with Nature’.
Personally, I do not believe there is such a thing as ‘African lost historical identity’, because we can find the philosophy of our identity in the religious doctrines of pantheism. When one re-enter pantheism and lived it the way our modern native indigenous tribes and ancestors had culturalised their livelihood in their spiritual relationship with Nature, in the natural phenomena of our physical environments with positive attitudes towards our own body and in the pursuits of life pleasure and good health, the so-called lost tradition of our African history and philosophical thoughts would parallel to corresponds to the relative customs of how our African ancient societies had lived it. I say, Africans are indigenously pantheistic.
In the chattel-era, the European labour-force established the slave trade of Africans and used it to begin their economic recovery, because centuries of wars and conquests destabilised the social cohesion amongst them in their society – an era in their history they call Feudal society. They disrupted the ancient traditional authority of African kings and queens through the impositions of their western labour-force presence in Africa, in their particular interests in the slavery of the African people for the economic development of the western society.
The imposition of the Chattel-era that declared war on the ethno-populist structure of the African Ancient-society, displaced in the psyches of African citizens a disengagement and withdrawal of judicial authority away from their traditional authorities to the western society slave-traders. The chattel-era sees the power of government shifted from African ancient traditional authorities onto the foreign European invaders that subjected every indigenous African to vulnerability to slavery and transported to Europe and the Americas as chattel properties.
The conflicts caused the traditional authorities to lose most of their authoritative power over their organised community as it forced them to become more distant from the social and economic affairs of their communal ways of life. This period in African history is akin to the dark-ages; because it not only marked the first power shift of government by Africans to foreigners, but the distancing has given African people the freedom to be critical of their African government in Africa.
A series of major uprisings took place both in Africa and in western countries where Africans were being chattel as properties. A significant uprising on 23 August 1791 took place in the Island of Saint-Dominic (now the Dominican Republic and Haiti) which significantly contributed to the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade. In 1847, the English monarch eventually supported the Pan-African call for the abolition of slavery. The imposition of the governing system of colonialism of African societies immediately followed this era by western States; where African territories were partitioned and disunited into borders and sovereignty shared by Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Spain, Italy and Portugal. Colonial masters’ language became mandatory as the official language in each colony; where nations like Nigeria, Ghana, South-Africa, and more adopted English language as their official language because their colonial State was England; Benin-Republic, Cameroon, Ivory-coast speaks French; Namibia speaks German, and more like.
The westernisation of the African people took place in an official capacity to adopt as their official culture and the cultured way of life and religions of their colonial masters’ morales. The colonial social structure of govern-mentality that overrides the traditional authorities of kings and queens, took motion. They promoted the stereotype of mental images of sub-race Africans and the under-developed continent became deeply impressed upon the minds and educational thesis of western societies’ works of literature. They repeated the distortions until African intelligentsias rebelled and critical of the control by western States over their social affairs – a conscious struggle that ended in widespread revolutionary demands for African State’s independence movement from western colonial governing rule across Africa since the 1950s – the revolutionary rise of Pan-Africanism.
Chronological List of African Independence
In the 19th and 20th century, much of African society had been colonised by the seven European States, with their particular administrative domination to facilitate the exploitation of African people and our natural resources. By the mid 20th century, Africans’ independence movements reached its peak between 1950s and 1960s, when most African society gained their independence from direct western colonial rule as independent nations. Here are the dates of independence for African nations:
| AFRICAN COUNTRIES | DATE | COLONIES |
| Liberia, Republic | July 26, 1847 | America |
| South Africa, Republic | May 31, 1910 | Britain |
| Egypt, Arab Republic | Feb. 28, 1922 | Britain |
| Ethiopia, Republic | May 5, 1941 | Italy |
| Libya (Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) | Dec. 24, 1951 | Britain |
| Sudan, Democratic Republic | Jan. 1, 1956 | Britain |
| Morocco, Kingdom | March 2, 1956 | France |
| Tunisia, Republic | March 20, 1956 | France |
| Morocco (Spanish Northern Zone, Marruecos) | April 7, 1956 | Spain |
| Morocco (International Zone, Tangiers) | Oct. 29, 1956 | France |
| Ghana, Republic | March 6, 1957 | Britain |
| Morocco (Spanish Southern Zone, Marruecos) | April 27, 1958 | Spain |
| Guinea, Republic | Oct. 2, 1958 | France |
| Cameroon, Republic | January 1, 1960 | France |
| Senegal, Republic | April 4, 1960 | France |
| Togo, Republic | April 27, 1960 | France |
| Mali, Republic | Sept. 22, 1960 | France |
| Madagascar, Republic | June 26, 1960 | France |
| Congo (Kinshasa), Republic | June 30, 1960 | Belgium |
| Somalia, Republic | July 1, 1960 | Britain |
| Benin, Republic | Aug. 1, 1960 | France |
| Niger, Republic | Aug. 3, 1960 | France |
| Burkina Faso, Republic | Aug. 5, 1960 | France |
| Côte d’Ivoire, Republic (Ivory Coast) | Aug. 7, 1960 | France |
| Chad, Republic | Aug. 11, 1960 | France |
| Central African Republic | Aug. 13, 1960 | France |
| Congo (Brazzaville), Republic | Aug. 15, 1960 | France |
| Gabon, Republic | Aug. 16, 1960 | France |
| Nigeria, Federal Republic | Oct. 1, 1960 | Britain |
| Mauritania, Republic | Nov. 28, 1960 | France |
| Sierra Leone, Republic | Apr. 27, 1961 | Britain |
| Nigeria, Republic | June 1, 1961 | Britain |
| Cameroon, Republic | Oct. 1, 1961 | Britain |
| Tanzania, Republic | Dec. 9, 1961 | Britain |
| Burundi, Republic | July 1, 1962 | Belgium |
| Rwanda, Republic | July 1, 1962 | Belgium |
| Algeria, Republic | July 3, 1962 | France |
| Uganda, Republic | Oct. 9, 1962 | Britain |
| Kenya, Republic | Dec. 12, 1963 | Britain |
| Malawi, Republic | July 6, 1964 | Britain |
| Zambia, Republic | Oct. 24, 1964 | Britain |
| Gambia, Republic | Feb. 18, 1965 | Britain |
| Botswana, Republic | Sept. 30, 1966 | Britain |
| Lesotho, Kingdom | Oct. 4, 1966 | Britain |
| Mauritius, State | March 12, 1968 | Britain |
| Swaziland, Kingdom | Sept. 6, 1968 | Britain |
| Equatorial Guinea, Republic | Oct. 12, 1968 | Spain |
| Morocco (Ifni) | June 30, 1969 | Spain |
| Guinea-Bissau, Republic | Sept. 10, 1974 | Portugal |
| Mozambique, Republic | June 25. 1975 | Portugal |
| Cape Verde, Republic | July 5, 1975 | Portugal |
| Comoros, Republic | July 6, 1975 | France |
| São Tomé and Principe, Republic | July 12, 1975 | Portugal |
| Angola, Republic | Nov. 11, 1975 | Portugal |
| Western Sahara | Feb. 28, 1976 | Spain |
| Seychelles, Republic | June 29, 1976 | Britain |
| Djibouti, Republic | June 27, 1977 | France |
| Zimbabwe, Republic | April 18, 1980 | Britain |
Diagram-2
The modern political system of government that sees Africans as State-officials of their society, in control of governing each of their colonial-prescribed regional people has not rid away with western States’ actors’ influence and mollycoddling or neocolonialism over African economic and social affairs. It has ended colonialism but established a layered class of government in its favour, a new condition of control, and fresh forms of struggle for the African people in place of the old colonial-era of protégism governing system of government.
The current African epoch, the epoch of Protégé-society, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified and redirected the class criticisms of Africans against western societies’ government over to African governments. The unintended consequences electrified citizens to becoming more and more critical of their own African governments; a permanent state of conflicts between government and citizens ended in civil wars, military rules, revolutionary re-constitution of State-laws, again and again, and culminating into the revolving process within an orbit of absurdity we now found ourselves in the 21st– century Africa.
From the slavery of African citizens, western States sprung the chartered economic revolution in western countries; from this economic revival, the consequent elements of their industrial revolution developed into capitalism. The emergence of capitalist society in western-societies opened up fresh ground for the rising of the bourgeoisie’s economic power over their working-class proletariats. The increase in the capitalist means of economic production and exchange in western societies failed to spread to Africa.
The western multinational corporations operating in Africa confined themselves to the role of protégé economic relations because certain historical abstractions harboured by the western States against African leaders from the independence period prevented them from the direct course to transition our economy in Africa from the economic structure of protégism.
Capitalism that the western States created for themselves and became very successful in the creation of excess economic resources guarantees the economic survival of members of western societies and increases the productive capacity of individualism from the macro-level. Meanwhile, the indigenous African cooperative economy operates on a micro-level and can only be catered to the needs of people collectively on a small-scale of small communities, successfully executed on a moneyless trade-off of products and services.
Whereas, colonialism has displaced the organised cooperative economic system of the African society and reorganised the African economic customs to now rely on macro-level economies. The failure to then spread capitalism to Africa post-colonial dispossessed all African economies of development and deposited the African people into resource poverty and insufficient economic resources.
In the 1965 Sessional Paper policies of the Democratic African-Socialism introduced by Jomo Kenyatta – the President of Kenya – proclaimed the proposed return to African-Socialism and rejected the western-built economic model of capitalism.
Also, in the 1967 Arusha Declaration policy formulated by the socialist leader Julius Nyerere for the ruling party – the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) – he clearly opposed scientific-socialism and to distant the return to the economic condition of ancient African-Socialism from western built capitalism.
Even though the declarations of other African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah from Ghana and Ahmed Sekou Toure from Guinea; both advocated for the institution of scientific-socialism in Africa, but none could be found to advocates for the economic industries of western-built socio-economic system of capitalism to be instituted in Africa – not even as an interim until they could develop an alternative socio-economic system complimentary to our much desired ancient African-Socialism – save that the western capitalists could spread western-built capitalism to Africa to save us from the poverty of protégist economic relations with the western States’ actors. Rather, our African leaders rejected capitalism outright, plain and simple.
The proponents of African socialist movement took great efforts to develop the proposed non-capitalist economic framework on a macro-level for their ideally constructed revival of ancient African-Socialism. But in all their policies to develop an operational economic model, they recourse to move in different directions; with some advocating political-democracy and others saying various forms of ownership of production is the best – until it became obvious that nothing in any of their arrays of policies has been changed from capitalism model they advocated to depart from.
The western States, on the other hand, have collectively since remain in place as our African States’ protégé-provider; and they have since not stopped to provide aid-funds to the African Cause to sustain itself, until we could come up with the non-capitalist operational socio-economic system we advocates since the 1950s in our successive attainments of independence from western colonial rule.
In the 1980s, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, from whom African States had borrowed and owed money in loans, began to stipulate ‘mollycoddled’ terms and conditions before they can agree to loan more money: ‘privatise your means of production and public institution industries’ – a shift from the notion of aspiring to develop African-Socialism to western-built capitalism.
The fate of African governments’ aspirations to develop a large-scale macro-level version of cooperative economies was further sealed when the U.S.S.R collapsed in 1989, which marked the end of financial funding to sustain our protégé economy from the U.S.S.R that had been an admirable positive supporter to the African Cause against western neocolonialism. By the 1990s, African societies had lost all hope of their collective drives towards their unified aspirations to institute the socio-economic system of African-Socialism. Rather, they began to embrace the capitalist notion of democracy and its partisan multi-party system of government.
The economic survival of African society has since been tied with protégé provision from the western States, and the particularities of the Planned-Economy advocated to return to our ancient African-Socialism have since been abandoned because its transforming-structures from the small-scale micro-level cooperative economy to its large-scale macro-level corporatist economy was not fully understood.
It is not at all still clear to me whether our African leaders realised since the 1950s that any advocates of our ancient African-Socialism is nothing more than an advocates for a Planned-Economy and State governmental corporatist socialism. I should also like to know whether they realised that Africa was not ready to be independent economically in the 1960s having just attaining its independency as independent nations. These are real socio-economic conditions affecting real peoples’ economic survival everywhere around the world – to choose to live a life with sufficient economic resource or a poverty one. Whilst shunning western-built capitalism, our advocacy to return to our ancient African-Socialism diverges and became trapped in essential forms of the classic socio-economic inequality of protégé-socialism.
I asked a simple question: who should we attribute the blame for the mess that had been created and the sufferings and poverty of the African people since post-colonial? Should we say our African leaders from the 1950s must be blamed for their failure to understand the particularities of the transforming-structures of epoch-making from our ancient African-Socialism to the present they advocated for, or should we blame them for their collective arrogance to depart from anything and everything that reminds them of the colonial era? Or perhaps, the western States’ leaders from the 1950s should be blamed for holding grudges, having had their ego bruised by our African leaders’ collective declarations against their highly well-regarded ethics of capitalism of the 1960s?
The western States failed to imbue the African States with capitalist development post-colonial because it was the wish of our African leaders who fought for our independence from western colonial rule that western-built capitalism must be rejected. If they had advocated for the western-built capitalism, our economic trade relations with the western States would not had recourse to only creates excess economic resource in western societies and scarce economic resource in African society.
I say, African States’ economies were not necessarily exploited by the western States’ actors. Rather, we were exploited within the condition of the capitalist market we placed our economy to negotiate trading relations with; our economies were exploited by the ethics of global capitalism which indoctrinates society to practice greed, self-interests, dishonesty or unhealthy-individualism, and oppressive class collaborations.
The post-independent economy policies of the Kwame Nkrumah government from Ghana did emphasise the point that African States had insufficient resources to be economically independent and do not have the technological resource capacity to compete under the market economy of global capitalism. It does not therefore matter with whom one transacts business with under capitalist economic condition, because the condition of the market dictates the outcome for trading parties – that the winners takes all and the losers loses everything.
Capitalism is by its very operation economically exploitative, and doing business with capitalists requires one to adopt a capitalist mentality to be able to negotiate terms favourable to one-self and to one society. African States are not capitalists, the colonial education of our African leaders including western school curriculum imposed on African schools indoctrinated us to glorifying protégé-socialism with foreign powers, and our African socio-economic system had never had been capitalist; yet, there had been certain wishful-thinking that had since been in operation that our economic development could be achieved through export oriented of natural resources by engaging in trade relations with capitalists States under the rules and conditions of capitalism.
Capitalism deals in the accumulation of capital as wealth and every investment it made is re-introduced in the accumulation of more capital and resources for wealth-making. For our African States’ economic trade relations with the western capitalist economy, we confined ourselves to the economic position of protégé; and by that we see how every income we made through trade of our natural resources to the western States were directed towards the maintenance of basic necessities, such as building hospitals, roads and paying the salaries of government officials, coupled with the impudent mismanagement of public funds in governments across African States collectively, as opposed to such economic reinvestments that creates accumulation of wealth and resources for the benefits of African society as a whole.
As a result, African national government institutions create for our African societies most of the poorest countries in the world and kept afloat by aid-funds from the western States, and have since remained in the protégé-socialism, almost in a permanent state of mollycoddling under the condition of neocolonialism, with no form of alternative economic progress from nowhere.
I say, to my African young generation, all hope is not lost. We are humans and making mistakes is part of human nature. Whilst our African leaders from the 1950s had been sufficient in proprietary in achieving our independent Africa from European colonial rule, but they had been mistaken in their approach to reject western-built capitalism when there was no alternative socio-economic system or technological capacity already in operation on the ground in Africa.
It seems our African leaders became desperate to have a distinct socio-economic system of our own. In any case, they did proclaim for the institution to return to our ancient African socio-economic system without any technological capacity to achieve its transforming-structures from its interspersed small-scale micro-level of the past to a proposed large-scale macro-level to the present.
Earlier, though, their ideologies were more pragmatic and fixed in the spirit of cooperativism, but as they became more desperate their theories and ideologies veered towards the adoption of the socio-economic system of capitalism and its socialist position, and the obdurate approach of the western States’ actors to then spread that capitalism to Africa owing to change of minds of every successive African leader in governments has since kept the African States in protégé economic relations in the global economy.
The proposed socio-economic system of ethno-corporatism for Africa is a developing new strategy to renegotiate our economic relationship with the global economic actors. We must understand that whilst we cannot undo the damage to our post-ancient society economy the western States’ imposition of the chattel-era caused and the bleak livelihood the African people experienced during the era of colonialism, this manifesto is to assure Africans that the ancient African-Socialism we aspire to return is a strand of global corporatism emerging in our current generation on the web-internetisation platform. We then have no excuse not to partake in it for our economic survival and ultimately for our economic self-sufficiency subsistence we seek in Africa.
I greatly value the achievements of the global corporate actors in the development of the computer-technology industry to the era of economic-internetisation that had scaled down the global expansion of capitalism. Capitalism fosters self-interests and greed that turn humans becoming foes, and it should be understandable why our African leaders since the 1950s rejected it outright albeit the result caused African society to remain in economic poverty.
It should also be understood that most African nations having just begun to attain their independence as independent States since the 1950s, the western States too knew that the faith in Africans about the western States’ actors will not be easily restored, and it would be an enduring joy when the western States, too, express the willingness to do what it takes to rectify their own mistakes in their ancestral relations with African economy since the chattel-era, so in our generation, we can all move forward from the past and cooperate in a corporatist alliance to the future to achieve our common-good.
With the emerging global corporatism, which turns out to be a strand of our ancient African-Socialism, has been to a large extent deepened in my revolutionary thinking the deep-rooted aspirations of our ancestors to return to our ancient African socio-economic conditions.
As our human generation transition from one epoch to the next, we tend to learn from the mistakes of our past generations to be able to do better for our future generations to come. I mean, quite frankly, I cannot guarantee that I would not had fallen in the same position like our African leaders had done not to advocate for capitalism if I had been born or existed in the 1950s.
The ethics of capitalism creates economic classes and gives economic powers to individualistic self-interests and greed. Capitalist economic-order to drive its culturalised individualist social-order conflicts with the culturalised African collectivist social-order and could not achieve conformity with the capitalist economic-order. This, in a sense, subjects capitalism to run incompatible with the ethics of the emerging global corporatism that is based on collectivism and gives economic power and equal opportunities to society collectively on the web-internetisation platform based on individual common interests.
For almost a century since Africans had begun to attain their independence from western colonial rule, the failure to have capitalism spread to Africa has since kept us in economic poverty and scarce economic resource. I say, our economic development in Africa is now associated with the emerging global corporatist economy – with corporatist foreign investment and trade.
The question is no longer whether our ancestors were wrong not to have advocated for capitalism even though they could not achieve the technological capacity that can produce large-scale material economic abundance like capitalism. But rather, the question is what transforming-structures of epoch-making do our current African States’ leaders now have to rise collectively and exert African economies from their socio-economic condition of protégism, to stand as equal economic actors and meet the challenges in the emerging global corporatist economy?
The Coup de Grâce of Capitalism
The New Age of economic-internetisation that dominates the marketisation platform of the global economy, having reached its peak, and established what I identified as the spirit of corporatism in the lives of the human population in our 21st-century generation, and has covered more grounds and made more tractions in creating its massive productive labour-force of e-marketeers and vocational corporatists than have all preceding economic systems in the history of human society put together, has caused capitalism to lost its relevance and institutes corporatism as the new global economy.
Respect for Nature’s forces and the recognition that Nature’s accommodating human exploits of natural resources distinguish science on the one hand, and our material seeking on the other, for our economic survival in a way whereby, Nature is increasingly becoming more vulnerable owing to human over-exploitation of its natural-resources it requires to sustaining life. Nature is becoming unaccommodating of human exploitation of its materials regardless of whether it guarantees our economic survival.
Global warming has been the consequence of capitalism, and this is undeniable. And corporatism now seems to be our saving grace, having recognised the effects capitalism has had on Nature and our human survival. Natural resources, such as ploughing down trees and releasing carbon emissions into the atmosphere, or the capitalists’ approach to farming and industries, have seen Nature projecting unaccommodating warnings to human existence through climate change.
We need to be told, and godly in fact, that Nature does not exist as a primary natural resource producing materials for human existence. Nature does not exist for our human social matter; rather, humans have been fortunate to revel in the recognition that our species exists in the first place and that our biological matter can rely upon Nature’s resources to provide solace or spiritual stimulations and ultimately our human economic survival.
It is an enduring joy to see the efforts of global corporatists instituting further supplementations through scientific research of the description of investigative techniques to curb back on our human exploitation of Nature, including land farming. Corporatists are continually honing their intellectual skills and computer-intelligence instruments to find cost-effective and more efficient ways of producing more with fewer resources. Application of computer-apps to artificial-intelligence, application of chemistry to animal farming and agriculture of plant-based products, replacing fuel vehicles and trains with electrical ones, harvesting electricity directly from the solar of the sun and abandoning the old way of fracking and coal mining, fax machines and letter writing with pen and paper is rapidly diminishing for e-mail and mobile phone text messages, with video conferencing directly from the tips of our mobile phones device. Capitalist society had no such capability or resource of the current productive forces of global corporatist society.
As it will be clear, the means of production and market forces; one that the corporatists built on the platform of computer-technological advances, began its revolution in the capitalist society. In the 1980s computers first emerged in our human economic sphere and by the year 2000s the economic conditions under which capitalist society produced and exchange diminished under the onslaughts of computer-intelligence revolutions, which reinforced more favourably the rising demand for computerised marketing and production in place of industrial types of machinery that capitalists relied upon to exploits, and thus contributes to the disintegration of the capitalist economic system.
Today, in the year 2020, the relations between capitalism and its means of production and economic mode of survival for the human population almost exist nowhere, because it is no longer compatible with the existing global corporatists’ productive forces of the working-group. We found capitalism to be restrictive, burdening and stress-laden. Capitalism had to abandon all hope of its totality in the rise of computer-intelligence in the labour market, of workers who act on materials, clerical workers and office-based managerial roles, in the 1980s; Information-Technology burst asunder its hope of rationality in the 1990s, and in the 21st-century computer artificial-intelligence technology diminished capitalistic operations completely in our economic spheres; and now we looked everywhere we could not find any hope for the survival of capitalism to the future. Capitalism is dead, finished, and buried to history in our human society, no doubt.
We are now in the global era of corporatism. Unlike capitalism, which sees private individuals or business corporations rely on ownership of capital, corporatism is an economic system in which entrepreneurs and e-marketeers appropriate on what I call: Corposense – the intellectual capability for the economic survival of the individual.
The term ‘Corposense’ originates from ‘Corporatism’ and ‘Sense’. The word ‘Corporatism’ was derived from the Latin ‘Corpus’ meaning “human body”. The word ‘Sense’ in the English dictionary is defined as a ‘natural appreciation or ability’ and ‘Sound practical judgement’. Therefore, ‘Corporatism’ and ‘Sense’; combined make the English word ‘Corposense’, meaning the individual’s intellectual capability to perform economic services with or without institutionalise formal training to achieve individual economic survival.
In the proposed theory of African ethno-corporatist society, I advance the theory of corposense as the ‘capability’ to perform labour work as the basis of wealth, rather than capital and property as it exists in capitalist societies. Therefore, ethno-corporatism, in this context, means: ‘an individual having proprietorship of a corposense’.
My idea of Corposense stems from the trade-off between our human brain intelligence in molecular-genetics, of which the capacity and capability for corposense proprietorship differ from human to human. Corposense I recognise as the specific intelligence-quotients responsible for the different capability in individuals, either as an inventor, manufacturer, influencers, e-marketeers of products, or service providers, is what define individuals’ sensible capability that generates as a natural effect from their human body.
Just like in any area of brain intelligence-quotient ability that can be attributed to the unique areas of individual capability that define their personality, so is corposense belongs to a spectrum ranging from high-functioning, average, and lower baseline capabilities. As an example, we can say some people do not have the corposense for mathematics, in the same way that some people have the high-functioning capability as a comedian. Intelligence-quotient is not equal in humans, so is corposense based on its capability and derived from our human brain intelligence in molecular-genetics.
Marauding as capitalists wage labour-force everywhere around the world, we find masses of corporatists’ explorations of their corposense to bear on the capitalist economic governing system in the administration and control of human resources in the economic spheres, accompanied by the new civilised cultures and globalisation of corporate ethics to work remotely independently adapted to it, and by the new young generation of the pioneer of computer-intelligence – the vocational corporatists that dominate our existing global web-internetisation economy.
This is one evidence that capitalism is not only dead in the western States’ economy; it cannot be truly said to exist at its full capacity anywhere, not even in China, and thus finished and no longer exists in the global economy. Africans should stop expecting to gain their economic recovery from western States’ built-capitalism. What capitalism meant for western society was not what it meant for Africans. In fact, we never even had capitalism in Africa, we have protégé. And protégism is the socio-economic and political system that allocates scarce economic resources in Africa. In western society, it is the opposite because capitalism was the socio-economic and political system that allocates excess economic resources in countries like America, the United-Kingdom, European countries, Canada, Russia and the like. Today, however, when we look east to China, we see an economic movement operating the prime example of corporatism but under the governing structure of politics, and politics is a protective arm of capitalism.
However, that is not precisely the point. The demise of the economic movement of capitalism in human society should not be a surprise. It is a necessity for human society to develop and progress. In the same revolutionary spirit that the corporatists’ economic platform emerged in the 1980s that started the replacement of capitalists’ economic-force with the corporatism model, a similar movement occurred in the western society that brought down the Feudal society in the 18th century.
The bourgeois with their capitalist system burst revolutionary asunder against the Aristocratic elites’ economic class over the peasants and serfs of the previous western society epoch. The bourgeois created a massive wage-receiving labour-force that never existed before out of the 18th-century generation that would otherwise had remain working in the livelihood of peasants and serfs under the Aristocrats and Lords that control the means of economic production in the Feudal society.
The feudal economic system with agriculture land rent, property ownership, imperialist law and order of government, became sidelined to history by the bourgeois capitalists’ economic movement. The feudal institution of bonded-labour of peasants and serfs became the capitalists’ wage-labourer, with workers’ rights and accompanied by the capitalist civilised cultures and globalisation, increased rationalisation and bureaucratic structures.
The development of industrialised machinery and industries was the economic tool the bourgeois capitalists created in the 18th and 19th century and used to dominate the global economy until the 20th century; just, in the same manner, the modern corporatists used computerised technology to create the corporatist platform in the 1980s; and then advanced computerised Information-Technology to economic web-internetisation to begin to dominate the global economy since the 1990s in western society and now using computer artificial-Intelligence to dethrone capitalism completely in our current 21st century.
In the 18th century, however, capitalists brought new controls to the global economic sphere, restricted individual freedoms, dehumanisation, and division of labour and eroded community and kinship-ties. Today, corporatists brought new controls to the global economic sphere with such problem-solving behaviour and innovative capabilities that are creating more freedoms for workers. Corporatist individualism does not require a set time to work, innovative technologies that create a positive impact on skills-sets require implementing new systems of work and has replaced old kinship-ties with global humanitarianism effort.
With the rise of the capitalist economy, the political governing system emerged to regulate it and created the institutions of governmental Protective-groups (the court-system, the police, army, civil-servants, prison, banking institutions and more) to shield and secured the ethics of capitalism. The authoritative-power of politics overthrew the feudal Imperial governing apparatus of Kings and Queens on matters of western society’s economic and social affairs. Politics also placed State-power in the hands of prime-ministers and presidents. By the 19th century, feudalism no longer became compatible with the emergence of capitalism.
In the same fashion that feudalism deposed the control that the social elites exercised over the slave labour-force in western ancient-society, it could not control the economic wage-labourers of capitalism that deposed it to history; and it is in the same fashion that capitalism itself and its conditions for the existence of political governing system to manage society economy and social affairs, cannot control our modern-day global vocational corporatists’ free trade web-internetisation enterprisers.
There is in this manifesto the transforming-structure of the proposed African ethno-corporatist economy, accompanied by its promotional-groups designed to regulate and manage it effectively and efficiently. Ethno-corporatism is the macro-level to the micro-level of the indigenous ancient African cooperative economic system.
From Onuma to Ubuntu:
A Pathway to Unity of all African Nations
Onuma:
Africans, we suddenly find ourselves put back into a state of economic and social revolutionary re-constitution of our African society at large, in the common ruin of our current state of affairs, stifled governing system of govern-mentality and with its poverty-stricken economic system.
It is enough to mention the social crisis that plague Africans that by their periodic return put on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of civil wars, political divisions, tribal hostilities towards one another and religious uprising in our African society. In these crises, a prominent part not only of our natural resources got plundered but also of the previously developed and productive economic forces got destroyed.
The lack of any viable socio-economic system beyond Protégé has proved to be a devastation to the African economy. It had cut off the supply of our every means of economic subsistence and sufficiency; it creates poverty and our economic exclusions from the global economy; crippled any chance of developing any viable economic institution and scientific research institutions.
The so-called foreign capital that has been said to be reproducing the development of underdevelopment in Africa had also ensured that industries and commerce in Africa seem to be inadequate and unproductive also; our legal system and its prison institutions are underdeveloped and incapacitated to cater to or rehabilitate the complex crimes and deviance that developed in our current 21st century global corporatism human culture.
Since post-colonial, our spiritual sense is still being immersed by the religious sense of our colonial religious doctrines; our foreign civilised model of family dynamics and households remains conflicted with the civilistic expressions of some African cultured way of life and philosophy; authoritative-power of politics, governments and the citizenry-society are struggling for economic advances in the protégé-society in which it has handed us in the course of progressing our post-colonial era in Africa.
The indoctrination to implement indirect-democracy, capitalism, republic, and western education curricula in African schools centred on the western social-systems in the displacement of our own. This, in all sense, conflicts with the altruist-system of our ancient African-socialism.
The displacement of the African collectivist culture and to socialise us in the western individualist culture exudes greater inequality within us Africans; because, what people often studied at school is not what they ended up doing as a job in capitalist societies; where, whereas the work and employment in African institutions lack the standard for any effective government regulatory system and allocation of resources and social welfare system to cater for our older citizens and those less able to fend for themselves due to disability.
Our African culture and social identity have been westernised and robbed of their African-finesse; our languages, names we give to our children, and even dress style, are western origin in the abandonment of our own. African media institutions remain warped and deprived of the intellectual discourse of free speech without life-limiting consequences.
I say, there are too much certain western civilisations of Africans; too many mollycoddling conditions attached to protégé aid-funds to must conform to a certain rule of societal governance if we want to keep the pie and gravy coming; too much reliant on foreign manufactured products in our everyday aesthetics and canned foods, since we don’t have the manufacturing industries position on African soil – save that we could be in control of our own means of economic productions in Africa; too much needful travelling abroad to western countries to work for a better life for our economic survival; too much of everything not of our own.
The productive forces of global corporatism are now at our accomplishment and possible to achieve in Africa, and the message of this manifesto calls on African State-governments should no longer repose to further the development of underdevelopment conditions of protégé-society. The 21st century socio-economic culture and globalisation that corporatism has spread globally have become too powerful for the economic condition of protégé our African governments are still nurturing, by which they somehow appear restricted from behaving like true sons and daughters of Africa as endowed upon us by our ancestors.
Ubuntu:
Ubuntu, an ancient African philosophy rooted in the interconnectedness of humanity, has played a significant role in shaping the values and social fabric of African societies. In the tapestry of African philosophical thought, Ubuntu stands out as a vibrant thread, weaving together the essence of communalism, humanism, and interconnectedness. Ubuntu, derived from various African languages, encapsulates the idea that ‘I am because we are.’ This philosophy emphasises the importance of communal harmony, empathy, and interconnectedness. In other words, it emphasises the interconnectedness of humanity and the importance of community in shaping individual identity and actions. In the context of the diverse and rich tapestry of Africa, embracing Ubuntu becomes a potent catalyst for fostering unity among African nations. Therefore, the theory of ethno-corporatism delves into the essence of Ubuntu philosophy and its potential as a unifying force among African States, fostering a sense of solidarity, cooperation, and mutual respect.
Although the word “Ubuntu” originate from the Nguni Bantu languages, embodies the belief that individual well-being is intricately tied to the well-being of the community. But Ubuntu philosophy in itself is deeply rooted in all indigenous African traditions and world view, encompassing a holistic understanding of human existence with Nature and the natural environment. It encourages a collective consciousness where individuals recognise their shared humanity, responsibilities, and the profound impact their actions have on the greater society. At its core, the philosophy of Ubuntu emphasises the intrinsic worth and dignity of every individual within the community. It rejects the notion of absolute individualism, instead advocating for collective responsibility and shared humanity.
Ubuntu promotes virtues such as compassion, empathy, and mutual respect as fundamental building blocks for sustainable social relationships. In Ubuntu, one’s humanity is affirmed through their interactions and relationships with others, emphasising empathy, compassion, and mutual support.
Africa is a continent of unparalleled diversity, with a myriad of ethnicities, languages, and traditions. While this diversity is a source of strength, it can also present challenges to unity and cohesion. Ubuntu philosophy offers a framework through which this diversity can be celebrated and embraced. By recognising the humanity in each individual and respecting the unique contributions of different cultures and traditions, Ubuntu promotes a sense of unity amidst diversity. Rather than viewing differences as barriers, Ubuntu encourages dialogue, understanding, and collaboration, fostering a sense of belonging and inclusivity among African nations.
As a result, the Ubuntu philosophy, with its emphasis on inclusivity and recognition of the value in diversity, becomes a unifying force. It encourages Africans to celebrate their cultural differences while fostering an overarching sense of unity. By embracing ethno-corporatism grounded in Ubuntu philosophy, African nations can navigate the complexities of their diverse heritage and build a collective identity grounded in shared values.
Leadership is crucial in fostering unity among African nations, and this Manifesto grounded in Ubuntu offers a unique perspective on effective governance. A leader, according to Ubuntu, is not an isolated figure but a custodian of the community’s well-being. Leaders are expected to lead with humility, transparency, and a commitment to the greater good. By embracing Ubuntu in leadership as our African ancestors invented and practised it, 21st century African nations can cultivate a sense of trust and collaboration, transcending the colonial prescribed borders and promoting a shared vision for Africa’s prosperity.
Governance grounded in collective mindsets, contrary to individualistic mindsets, is essential for fostering unity and development of the divided African nations. This Manifesto of African Corporatist society, because it is grounded in Ubuntu philosophy, provides a guiding principle for governance that prioritises the common good and collective welfare. Leaders who embody the philosophy of Ubuntu are interdependent-leaders, committed to serving their communities with humility, integrity, accountability and shared-governance in decision-making by those affected by the decision. Our ancient African leaders recognise that their authority is derived from the consent and trust of the people, and they govern with empathy, listening to the voices of the marginalised and vulnerable. Through inclusive and participatory decision-making processes as practised in ancient Africa, Ubuntu-inspired governance promotes transparency, fairness, and social justice, laying the foundation for a more equitable and cohesive of all interspersed independent ancient African communities of over ten thousands.
Today, looking back, Africa has faced numerous challenges, including conflicts that have sometimes strained inter-country relations. Throughout history, Africa has faced its share of conflicts, both internal and external. Ubuntu provides a framework for conflict resolution based on dialogue, reconciliation, and forgiveness. It offers valuable insights into restoration of relationships. By emphasising the interconnectedness of people and societies, Ubuntu encourages African nations to approach disputes with a spirit of understanding and a commitment to finding common ground, ultimately contributing to regional stability.
Central to Ubuntu is the concept of ‘ubuntu ntuntu ngabantu‘ – meaning, ‘a person is a person through other people.’ This recognition of interconnectedness forms the basis for resolving conflicts through dialogue, mediation, and collective decision-making. By prioritising the well-being of the community over individual interests, Ubuntu fosters a culture of peace-building and reconciliation, laying the groundwork for sustainable peace and stability across African nations.
Pan-Africanism, the movement advocating for the unity and solidarity of African people worldwide, was derived from the Ubuntu philosophy. Ubuntu serves as a guiding principle for fostering a sense of oneness among African nations. This Manifesto incorporate Ubuntu into its Pan-Africanist narrative because it is grounded in Ubuntu philosophy and commits to build bridges of a united front of all African States, promote economic cooperation through ethno-corporatism, and for Africans to collectively address global challenges in one voice and actions.
In a world facing complex geopolitical and socio-economic challenges, the Ubuntu philosophy emerges as a beacon of hope for the unity of African nations into a single national body. By embracing the principles of Ubuntu as our ancestors had done, 21st century Africans can overcome divisions, celebrate their diversity, and collectively pursue a shared destiny. The call for unity echoes through the timeless wisdom of Ubuntu, urging the divided African nations to recognise that their strength lies in their interconnectedness, and in unity, they can unlock the vast potential of the continent for the benefit of all.
In a world marked by political division, economic class, and religious discord, this Manifesto grounded in Ubuntu philosophy offers a beacon of hope for unity and solidarity of all the divided African nations. By embracing the principles of interconnectedness, empathy, and collective responsibility, divided African countries can forge a path towards a brighter future for their future generations, characterised by peace, prosperity, and mutual respect.
As Nelson Mandela famously said, “Ubuntu does not mean that people should not enrich themselves. The question therefore is: Are you going to do so in order to enable the community around you to be able to improve?” Embracing Ubuntu philosophy is not only a moral imperative for Africans but also a pragmatic approach to building a more inclusive, resilient, and united Africa in continuing honour and respects to our African ancestors.
CHAPTER THREE
POSITION OF AFRICAN CORPORATISM
The proposed African ethno-corporatism came about following the tortuous and poverty-stricken conditions protégism is having in the ordinary lives of African citizenry, taking place in Africa at the present. Protégism is the consequence of global capitalists’ failure to spread capitalism to Africa, and our African States have since remained dependent on aid-funds from the western States to afford our basic social services, such as hospitals, health care and medicine; roads infrastructures, food, and such like. The scarcity of economic resources is the condition of the economic system of protégism in Africa.
Global economic-internetisation, which is the contemporary face of global corporatist society, became a reality through the invention that took hold in 1989 by Tim Berners-lee – a British computer scientist. World-Wide-Web was the first consortium of web-internetisation relations in human society and marked a shift toward the economic trading platform of corporatism. The theory of ethno-corporatism includes modern tools of computer artificial-intelligence technology that developed from the platform of World-Wide-Web, and it is the consequence of the global economic-internetisation and empowerment of the computerised corporatist economy.
The developing theory of ethno-corporatism, with its fundamental components derived from the socio-economic system of our ancient African-socialism, is a theory that advocates a free trade-economy and a moneyless form of resource accounting under a non-monetary economic system. As it will become clear, the social relations of ethno-corporatism is a naturalised system primary to permaculture and there is no other socio-economic system to compare it with. The theory of ethno-corporatism is essentially an altruist humanitarian effort of citizenry taking direct control of their own socio-economic life. And by this, I considered ethno-corporatism’s emphasis on group-collaborations as inconsistent with the economic operation of the class system.
An analysis of this results in the theory of an ideal type of corporatist altruist-system that is capable of transitioning the African economy to our desired economic development to self-sufficiency subsistence. It is understood that in ancient African society, their cooperative economic custom operates under the system of Controlled-Economy in large areas of Africa, made possible due to foods grown naturally and organically from the ground in most parts of Africa’s landmass, and it was only in small scales areas of Africa notably in the north and mid-lands that agricultural Planned-Economy was much needed – as the Pharaonic system in Egypt demonstrated in their altruist concentration of skilled-labours to achieve the sufficient labour power resource needed for their economic empowerment at macro-level.
In Africa, our human population has since increased by the 1950s, and even more in our current generation. The transforming-structures of our ancient cooperative economy were not fully understood, but our African leaders advocated for a collective economy post-colonial to transition the African economy to self-sufficiency subsistence. History shows that the collective economy advocated for has since failed to work, and we also had seen the Controlled-Economy and the array of Mixed-Economy appropriated in different States in Africa had failed to achieve the desired economic development.
It then needs to be understood that Controlled-Economy is basic, and Planned-Economy already has some of the fundamental elements of Controlled-Economy within it; while Command-Economy incorporates and absorbed the fundamental components of both Planned-Economy and Controlled-Economy within it; as demonstrated in the diagram below:
Diagram-4
In Africa, our current condition of economic insufficiency—where basic resources for sustainable livelihoods remain scarce—demands a return to and imitation of the Planned-Economy model once perfected by the Pharaonic system. This model, rooted in collective decision-making and long-term resource coordination, enabled our ancient Egyptians ancestors to achieve self-sufficiency and surplus. Likewise, Africa today must adopt a citizen-directed planning system, where resource allocation and production strategies are populocratically decided by the electorates to secure our collective economic independence and development.
I say, for a start, the government body should franchise the provisions and production of all product types and intellectual properties not existing in Africa at the present from across the world to Africa and for the African economy, under a corporate Manufacturer Franchise Model. A single government body should regulate all economic industries across Africa. All industries from the biggest car manufacturing to the smallest local shops should be regulated under a government Master-Franchise scheme; whereby the State-government gets exclusive rights to issue for production of its franchised foreign products in Africa and exclusively for the African economy; and then start recruiting States’ citizens as franchisees and caretakers of its franchised economic products and services to operate its manufacturing line only within Africa’s governmental regulatory-economy.
Here, the foreign or multinational product franchisor offers the State-government its trademarks and products under their mutual product manufacturing agreement – either in mutual payment with natural resources or for a fee paid by the Franchisee State. The State government body acts as Master-Franchisee that recruits its citizens as franchisees, train to upskill citizens to take up managerial control over firms and industries, and the government to provide support to individual franchisees establishment under their trading agreement with the government, and to which franchisees operate on licence conditions under the State corporatism model to carry out such trade and services only within its State’s regulatory-economy, and not outside it.
The State implements citizenry policies to vary names and make changes as it deems fit and differently to its franchised products and services to suit consumers’ needs, so long as the changes remain within the terms and conditions of its product manufacturing agreement with its foreign products’ franchisors. The State determines how trade establishments within regions operate, and how individuals’ regular occupations or groups’ avocations and professions remain licenced and form a corporatist trade or partnership with indirect affiliation with its foreign products’ franchisor companies. The African State government’s corporatist governing role in partnership with multinational companies on a corporatist manufacturer franchise economic scheme would set-up to operate to form a coalition with such foreign conglomerates, which can provide multiple industries at a time to Africa.
The altruist-system proposed in this theory of African ethno-corporatism demands the implementation of the non-monetary economy in Africa; with no cash exchange for goods and services, no taxation on all economic produce nationally, and no such a thing as money paid for labour services or for any other purpose in Africa. It involves a national regulatory provision of an altruistic centralised Planned-Economy and secured free consumption for all citizenry-consumers, of all economic products and services instituted in Africa.
To achieve this altruist model of ethno-corporatism, the role of government would involve actively organising the institutional partnership between African-States and all major economic products manufacturers existing in the global market; to have their franchise production line in Africa under the governmental regulatory trade-economy; for Africans to produce and manufacture products and exclusively for Africans regulatory national economy, to maintain a standard quality of products and services with no imposition of monetary value on all goods and services operating nationally within Africa.
In such an altruist society where there is no such a thing as a salary-paid job for workers since people engage in work activities on an altruist economic-system by which; for example, the working-group remains under the State’s provision to employers and trade establishments, and all workers rightly entitled to free-payment on all goods and services for as long as they remain in work. Yet within such an altruist ethno-corporatist society framework, neither the State who implements social policies nor the trade establishments and corporations who implements government economic policies, have any autonomy or power attributed to the exercise of their office to override citizenry-electorates’ prescribed policy on affairs of the State or their prescribed guidelines on affairs of the economy.
The theory of the altruist socio-economic system placed the citizenry-electorates in shared control with the working-group overall decision-making on matters of the economy in their society, and within each socio-economic operation operating within each of their respective communities’ spheres. The State’s Executive-Branch of government ensures that the compact-agreements submitted to it by its citizenry’ legislative government body regarding trade establishment operations that operate within individual communities get implemented as prescribed under its secretariat-ministries – and demands that production outputs and services, account statements and stock margins, remain publicly accountable according to the discipline and regulations of the proposed citizenry prescribed corporatist guidelines that will regulate the office of the administration of government bodies.
The position of African ethno-corporatism will operate within a framework of a society of socio-economic altruistic system and in balance with populocratic principles; of a variety of interests’ corporations and economic operations in active engagement in the frame of the proposed African ethno-corporatist State’s free-trade forces.
The operational policy of economic industries at a national level will fall under the responsibility of the proposed Economy-branch of government; to master the authorisation of its manufacturer franchise of products and services to Africans in the successful operation of the non-monetary economic system.
The Master-Franchise agreements between the State-government and citizenry trade owners would allow abundant free provisions of workers for trade establishments and industries. Workers, whom, I propose, will have the mandatory entitlement to the proposed government Corporatist Service Provision (CSP) service card designed for the moneyless trade-off of economic products and services.
The living standards and affordability of needs and wants of every working-group would be equal. Everyone would have equal affordability to each of their necessities and use-values nationally. It needs to be emphasised that it is not how individuals can access their economic needs and wants that matter, but that there are systems in place to which individuals can achieve their necessities and use-values equally, no matter the cost, especially with no monetary value attached to human desires and necessities.
In such an altruist-society, the State possesses the means of production and provides the platforms for which the modes of production operate on a non-monetary basis for all citizenry-consumers, and for individual citizens to franchise trade directly from the State-government, and placed the role of government to regulate trade operations and implements citizenry-consumers’ socio-economic requirement.
This theory of ethno-corporatist mechanisms, of an altruist-system, define the functions of the ethno-corporatist system of government: a body of elected State-officials to regulate the implementation performance of socio-economic policy and affairs of the State: a party of govity that regulates the social policy and affairs of the state submitted to it by its citizenry-electorates; to regulate the economic affairs both at domestic and foreign trade level, per the policy-making body of the majority voters’ selection of policy in an elective-process.
The primary function of the socio-economic arrangements that came under the altruist-systematic relations within the ambit of collectivist culture, the side of the spectrum that populocracies such as trade owners and the working-group on government CSP service-cards occupies, including the basis of the non-monetary economy, is what I referred to as ethno-corporatism; in that, the ambition of the government will be to incorporate the working-age groups into its State service-cards provision, nationally.
Trade owners will depend on government CSP workers to work in their establishments, under the State’s Master-Franchise corporatists agreement to operating trades and industries under the platform of, l say, ‘Social Interests Economic Relation‘ (SIER) with the government: in that, the SIER will be the socio-economic relationships of government and citizenry trade owners and industries in their implementation performance of State’s objectives – both in full management of the State economy, owing to the proposed governmental regulatory-control of the State-ownership of the means of production in Africa.
African Ethno-Corporatist’s Economic Revolution
I say, let the ancient flame of altruism wakes within Africa into a future society of ethno-corporatism. The economic industries of web-internetisation networking, under which economic production is now flourishing in the 21st century on the corporate platform of economic-internetisation, owing to the revolutionary advances of computer technological advances, Information-technology and artificial-intelligence; sufficed for the growing strengths of the new society working-group of vocational corporatists displacing the last vestige of the capitalists work ethics in the global economy.
The advances in the computer-technology industry that brought us to this current state of affairs of computerised automation are emerging corporatist economies in the world. They had pushed capitalists on the side-line of history by the new globalised computerised e-marketeers of goods and services and products entrepreneurship; whereby the system of labour between the different classes of capitalists is rapidly vanishing in the face of a computerised system of marketing in our modern global economic industries everywhere in the world.
Meanwhile, online e-markets keep growing, their demand keeps rising. Even capitalist industrial manufacturers are vanishing in the face of the computerised production line. Thereupon, the computer artificial-intelligence age and interconnected global online networking are revolutionising the social dynamics of labour industries everywhere. They have taken the place of the past generation industry with the rise of the giant Computer Technology Market – Google, Amazon, eBay, YouTube, WordPress, Alibaba, and the like. The computerised e-market and the e-marketeers’ groups have replaced the capitalist middle-class – the product pushers and movers of the new era of corporatist labour-force – the modern corporatists that had taken the place of the past generation proletariats of the capitalist-societies.
The computer-Technology industry has established the modern global economic-internetisation, for which the emergence of America Silicon-Valley entrepreneurs paved the way for the corporatist e-marketeers to rise in the deposition of capitalist economic relations and capitalists. The computer-technology market has dominated the world economy. Almost anyone, anywhere, can use computer products and devices for any creative purpose as an income stream for their economic survival from anywhere around the world.
The computer-technology market has given an immense development to the world economy, to labour and industry, to the interconnected global online community and on-the-spot online communication. This development has, as a matter of course, reacted to the extension of manufacturing production; and in harmony, the corporatists developed, increased its e-marketeers, and pushed on the sideline of history every trace of capitalism and capitalist morale handed down from our previous generation economic structure everywhere.
For Africans, the modern corporatist economic movement is the product of a long course of economic and social development in human society in the world; of a series of revolutions in western society, in the modes of production and of exchange, has particularly attracted to our description of a corporate system of government in Africa.
The African economy has remained isolated from the world economy mainstream since after the deposition of our ancient world, the protégé-society we imposed upon ourselves works to preoccupy us with the business of continually discussing the palaver of post-colonial exploitations and fighting to regain what slavery in the chattel-era and institutionalised bonded labour in the colonial-era had taken away. We have over-talked them, expressed their activities, and all the stories told about the uniqueness of our human sufferings and the systematic character of those sufferings, have had their palaver in our psyches and we now desire to move on from them for the sake of our mental health as a generation and that of our future generations to come.
The harmonious political system of government accompanied each step in the development of western capitalist societies. They saw the economy as the most important agent of their govern-mentality. The most important factor in their governing principle was whether their citizens are achieving their economic survival with as less effort as humanely achievable. There was little room left for their citizens to be more critical of the government, as we experienced the direct opposite in Africa. Economic factors are important because they influenced the extent to which their government political parties can have the chance of being elected to the administration of government.
The excess resource generates from the economic factors alone reinforced the will of the citizenry to contribute their income taxes to the common-unity of their society; to make robust the welfare system for those who are incapable or are not in work, such as the disabled and the jobseekers; to create the prison system for the deterrence and prevention of anti-social behaviour or miscreants in society, and to cultivate enough taxes from their working-group to sustain reinvestments pursuits by design to maintain their strong economy, and to providing protégé aid-funds to the Africa Cause. The governments of the capitalist States are but a political committee for managing the economic affairs of their States’ capitalists’ economic operations in some way.
I should emphasise more strongly that the theory of ethno-corporatism advocates for the economic-equality of an egalitarian society in Africa; one that has the capacity for a far greater economic production than capitalism. And in African theory of ethno-corporatism to which I am dealing would, as a matter of course, put an end to all palaver talk of blame-game against the West – talk of slavery and colonial alike, complaint of exploitation, and all the palaver talk of what protégé relations had done to our African economy.
It is undeniable that protégé has unremittingly raged asunder the ragbagged colonial ties that beguile our African States to their colonial masters and has made the African States vulnerable to exploitation and our economic platform between nation-States to recourse to benefits the interests of our trading partners more than we gain back, and thus amounting to benefits us none.
Protégé-socialism has deprived our African generation of our ancient religious euphoria of its pantheistic spirits, of protection of our noble worship of God existing within Nature, of evidence of our ancient cultural enthusiasm, in the exploitative imposition of foreign westernisation exercise of Africans that had recourse to our human worth into barter commodities, deprived our human soul of its creative freedoms, has sold us that same-same sub-race ideology, socially and economically in the illusion of equal trading partners in the global economy.
In a sense, for ideology hidden in the language of the religious thesis, and the economic illusions that the African States are rich in natural resources and remain poor economically; it showed just-cause for slavery, gave some justification for colonialism, proved a reasonable account for protégism, and even gave reasons for our mental health to be the cause of genetics in the process.
But today, the young generation Africans can now look to the future and let the past remain in the past. Although we cannot forget the past, but we can move on from it for the sake of our future generations’ mental well-being. The tools we need to achieve this noble purpose are right within our grasp. The glorious news is that the corporatists have stripped global human society of every occupation hitherto depended on and relied upon by capitalists’ economic survival. It has converted all economic industry, political power and the State, lowering market prices of everyday products, free trading, ready-made businesses that do not require complex skills to start-up and operate, and controlling the vast movements of goods and services and exchange for the benefits of the buyer, thus creating a mass generation of products e-marketeers of goods and services and unrestrained by social considerations, or political forces, into a beneficial socio-economic stream for our successful global corporatist society.
Global economic-internetisation has created an economic-equalism within a free market, where trading opportunities are now readily available to anyone from anywhere to guarantee their economic survival in our 21st century emerging age of corporatist societies. If you have an email address or rely on a mobile phone, laptop, or any computerised device for anything or any purpose, you are contributing to the emerging age of global corporatist society.
The consequence of the globalised e-market subjects all economic products to be present everywhere, increased economic provision and flexible trading structure for the e-marketeers, and accessibility of products and services from anywhere around the globe to the world consumers. Economic-internetisation is the iron umbrella of global corporatism and it allows it to have total control of the expanded e-market in regulating and approving its products’ e-marketeers’ goods and services.
Corporatism is present everywhere around the globe; its economic platforms have settled in every free trade outlet, its products are littered in our neighbourhoods, and on every street, we see it and feel its presence, and its spirit has an established presence in our psyches, and in the mental images of our children.
We know capitalism brought into play economic-rationalism, and corporatism avails us to the practice of economic-equalism. With computer-intelligence, it is not a requirement for every individual’s use of a computer for any purpose to rationally and manually carry out its algorithmic activity that powered-on computer hardware to serve one’s purpose. The integral part of human rationality has already expertly drawn breaths inside every computerised device, thus making it possible for economic-equalism to operate successfully since the power of human logical thinking has materialised in the software programme made identical with the power of computer artificial-intelligence’s rationality.
The global corporatists, therefore, have torn away from the world economy the rationalism of individualistic capitalist class operation in the workplace and imposed the collective-individualism of economic-equalism relations on the world socio-economic operation. It has up-skilled society market-makers to vocational corporatists and products e-marketeers, and up-skilled society trade-makers to corporatist entrepreneurs and industrialists, where the modern economy is taking place by excess supply over demand and thus favourable to both buyers and sellers in equal proportions.
The global corporatists’ conventional explanation for their own development against the socio-economic classes created by capitalism, which Marxists so much like to talk about, is inspired by the ‘Communist-Manifesto’ ideology by Karl Marx. His ideas inspired many revolutionaries and theorists and he was the first to show that human activity with technological advances would bring about social change and culminates our human society into an eventual economic classless system.
Industrial technological advances, developing from Marx’s generation in the 19th century, have developed into computer software technology in our corporatist 21st century generation. The web-internetisation platform of the Computer-Technology Market is transforming our world and still exploring artificial-intelligence. Web-internetisation has accomplished wonders, making society becoming conscious of a growing economic-equality, which in turn is influencing the spirit of collective-individualism of human society; it has established the foundation that can equip computer terminals with a series of apparatus or accretions to improve the quality of human life and individual future ability, and soon to producing our individual self-generating electricity directly from the solar of the planet Sun.
We should remind ourselves that corporatists cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the computer-technology instruments of economic production in the 21st century, and with corporatists the whole relations and sustainability of State-governments and society’s economic survival in the world, hang together.
Capitalism failed because it struggles to reproduce its labour-force from the previous generation that created it to the present, and now has no unified breeding source to which to regulate its means of production without its enthusiastic labour-force. As a result, the current generation took advantage of capitalism’s vulnerability and collectivise in the spirits of corporatism; as computer-based entrepreneurs and products e-marketeers of economic products and services to gain some autonomy in the empowerment of electronic connectivity in the new global economy since the 1990s; thus created the course of the economics of globalised web-internetisation of the world economy.
Constant revolutionising of computer technological advances, revolutionary re-constitution of the system of State-governments in harmony with the computer age of global corporatist societies, progressive certainty and predictable expectations from climate change to population growth, distinguished the corporate epoch of the global world from all earlier ones. Every State-government now operates in the state of affairs of a corporatist economic-internetisation system, but their social roles to making the system work appear to be lacking corporatist morale. Political ideology is the antithesis used in regulating the corporatist trade-economy and stifling the global corporatist internetisation economy of its authenticity.
All that is programs within a computerised device turnover money, all that is chipset is profitable, and human productive capacity for creativity has been subject to clinging to little jobs and forever striving toward bigger ones, for the fate of politicians in the hands of corporatists points to the direction of how computer technology is guaranteeing the economic survival of our current generation, of which our day-to-day lives remained preoccupied with increased calculations on the right-hand side of the spectrum and encouraging computerised organised criminal activities on the left-hand-side.
Everywhere we looked, we see the state of affairs of States’ governments as institutionally bound with the corporatist economy, and whilst States’ governments will by default bound to continue to operate as unified instruments with their given economic system, the functioning mechanism for reproducing corporatists’ relations and sustained means of production and equalism centred-research work for improvement in the spirit of corporatism, is lacking in States’ governmental policies.
As a result, I say, all monopolies of power-class operations, and political self-interest relations, with their train of capitalist greed and class system tension and conflicts, will no longer be operational and remain unethical and sidelined to history in Africa. All citizenry consumable economic products and services must cease to monetise every useful-value into profit-making ideologies in the spirit of ethno-corporatism in Africa.
The global corporatists have through their internetisation of the global economy created and dominated the online e-market as its marketplace of products and services in every corner of the globe everywhere in the world. To our derision and contempt of capitalism, corporatism emerged with its customs and values to resolve the conflicts in individuals’ human personal troubles; through equality decision-making in reversing the dehumanising process of rationalism created by capitalism that had eroded the human culture of individualism of the past generation.
Capitalists’ customs and values are now unethical, inactive and no longer the preferred choice for the 21st century working-group. The age of computer-intelligence e-marketeers had overrun them, whose specialisation focuses more on providing goods and services directly to consumers for fewer profits. The equalism ethics of corporatism in providing more non-mechanical and fewer overheads modes of economic production and services in its operation has also seen the reduction in profits on items by relying on excess consumers’ demands through their products e-marketeers, thus favourable profit-wise to both the corporatists and the e-marketeers, and satisfactory to consumers in equal proportions.
Corporatists exploit their corposense to manipulate to their advantage the raw materials and natural resources growing on the ground in their societies; whose mode of production remain less mechanical by computerised technological instruments and consumed both in their society and available to the wider consumer worldwide through their online e-marketing presence, and e-marketeers acting as sales representatives and products promoters and influencers.
Doing away with capitalists’ imposed restrictions on individual economic freedoms, satisfied by the social and economic relations of the corporatist system’ mode of operations, Africans will find new human altruist interactions, enthusiastically engaging actively in community ties. Doing away with the cumbersome types of industrial machinery of the past generation that demands mass work-heads in single locations, replacing them with computerised automation built with artificial-intelligence apparatus that requires minimal work-heads in strategic borders all around Africa, Africans will assume total control of the means and modes of their society’s economic production, enriches its multinational franchisor partners and enables them to access African products and natural resources to anywhere in the globe.
And as in products and services, so also are intellectual-property creations of scientific investigative research and technological inventions of ideas. The intellectual properties of individuals become their corposense and thus the corporate property of individual nation-States as economic bargaining tools to the benefit and advances of their economy. That would make scientific knowledge and inventions of corporatists anywhere from around the world both to the benefit of the individual States and more accessible to the world consumers, in building a better world for all and not for a region.
When capitalist-centred corporations and governing system of politics of State-governments’ one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness finally become more and more impossible to progress and impracticable to exist, and corporatists’ internetisation of the economy continues to gain more tractions in imbuing countries and consumers all over the world with corporatism economic-equalism; corporate trade-economy would on-course reproducing the development of the developed world in every country in the world, and in effect creates the platform for a future economic classless system in human society as predicted.
The corporatists, by their unceasing revolutionary improvement of computer technological instruments of economic production, by the surplus of their mass force of products e-marketeers, owing to their advantages as the creators and sole dominators of online e-marketplace, attracts all, even the most computer illiterates, individuals from anywhere in the world into corporate civilisation.
The corporatist-drive is characterised by excess supply above profits, the cheap prices of its commodities are the corporate principle with which it drives illiterates reactionists to conform to the computerised age and thus be reliant and be converted. It compels all human society, the so-called developing or third-world countries, on the pedestal of poverty and insufficient opportunities of means of organised economic production under the deposed capitalism ethics, to join forces and learn the ethics that drive corporatists and their e-marketeers’ mode of production in guaranteeing each of their economic survival.
Corporatism has caused us to advance our knowledge to what I identified and called: Corposense-Civilisation, into our psyches’ intelligence-quotients, i.e.; to become corporatist producers of production. In a sense, global corporatism has created an economic environment dependent on economic-equalism; that increases community humanitarian efforts and income security and a mix of business ideas and intellectual creations.
It is the need for the ethics of corporatism to subject every State’s government and various institutional governing bodies to the direct rule of the citizenry. Global corporatism has created mass supporters in its labour-force, has interconnected the steady traffic of economic activities between the urban populations and the rural, and has thus rescued a large proportion of the human population in the world from the stringent of poverty and turned their attention to be more engaged with the governing affairs of their respective country.
Just as it is making the corporatists and e-marketeers equal business partners, so will it make the African government and the governed people in society a permanent state of interdependent governing coalitions in a shared-governance and policy decision-making in the affairs of their society; a classic state of altruist-system, with which one group has no imposing power over another without a consensus of social-contracts that benefits both parties, imbibed in law by the consent of ‘the many for all’ and no more by ‘the few for all’.
African Ethno-Corporatism: A Citizenry Economy
Africa, whose ancient name was Alkebulan. “mother of humankind”, has been intent upon socio-economic subsistence and sufficient economic resource post-ancient era. Each African State government are confronting the obstacles of protégism faced by the post-colonial trade or economic relationship with the Western States. Western States’ involvement in directing their financial aid-funds to building hospitals and provision of medical facilities and other such social services across Africa has confined themselves largely to image-making of the ‘good-old’ protectionists and humanitarian efforts toward African people. Whereas, African people merely desire the spreading of western capitalist economic corporations in Africa to sustain our African economy.
But in our dealing with the consequences of the western economic booming relations of capitalism that had failed to be spread to Africa, not just Africa but some other countries in the world in a capitalist global economy, too, confronted by the enormous debts owed by the so-called ‘third-world’ where our African States are on the hierarchy table in our economic relationship with the so-called ‘first-world’ western States – which boils down to the fact that African exclusion from the global capitalist western economy has kept Africa confined in the mollycoddling of protégism that constrained our economy to be reliant on western aid-funds donation to afford our necessities in health provision, schools, water and the whatnots; to depend on the charity of the western States booming capitalist economy – made particular sense where all hitherto African economic development strategies were not protégé protectionist in nature merely but aggressively of African natural-resource extractors-oriented. And, notably, the paths to the development of the western State’s capitalist economy – including East Asia of late – have been strongly African natural resource export-oriented.
The capitalist States’ governments shared a common practice in adopting State political economy solutions: every one of them has developed into various concepts of political authority, communitarian or some kind of progressive socio-economic hierarchies organised based on economic functions, such that the socio-economic management of society remain under the supervision of the government directly or indirectly, with private-controlled organisations by formal mechanisms at the national level, which give rise to the various complicated forms of socialism and trade unionism, giving capitalist companies due-weight as not economic institutions merely but as social institutions as well in which the socio-economic interests of society remain coordinated and harmonised in the economic advances and economic sufficiency of their various societies.
It upset this equilibrium in the 1990s when computer-technology internetised the global economy as a formidable economic force. Not long after capitalist industries relinquished control to computer e-marketing, computer-technology gained the momentum that rapidly speeds up its development of computer software apparatus, replacing both capitalist efficiencies and rationalism in the workplace with corporatist competence and equalism.
The economic ethics of capitalism became fragmented in the aftermath, with the emergence of mobile phones, and laptops that developed to enrich the corporatist global exchange-economy, and then artificial-intelligence developed post-millennia and finally shut out completely capitalism ethics from the global economy. The last vestigial capitalists sold and re-sold their support to any bidder, but human society has gone computerised and no one depends on the capitalist model for their economic survival anymore. Today, in the year 2020, global corporatism has spread to Africa and established certain economic order. Soon after, however, the capitalist’s political governing system would have their government power and their empire shifted to history in Africa and everywhere in world, and be replaced with the installation of a corporatist State government’ governing system.
The political power of keeping the State’s legislative-power to the citizenry weak and subordinate to the State is inconsistent with the ethno-corporatist governing the promotion of rights, healthy-individualism and equalism of the collectives. I say, individual citizen-electorates should engage and take part in the formal mechanisms of State decision-making; to make it their concern in the allocation of economic resources in regulating their society – an important aspect of the altruist-system that encourage the necessity in this manifesto to institute ethno-corporatist nationalism structure in Africa to have replaced the imposed economic institution of protégé.
I advanced the ancient African theory of ethnoism (ethnocratic-populism form of governance) in recognition of its common element of ‘altruism’; to harmonise current generation to have African State’s legislative power by the control and direction of citizenry-electorates to direct the course of the proposed corporatist government both on matters of the State and economic affairs of African society collectively.
As a result, the theory of ethno-corporatism binds the concept of Negflation (a portmanteau of negating inflation) in the proposed African economic practice of negating qualitative inflation in its ethno-corporatist model, as a measure to adopt long-term economic subsistence in managing ecoflation, and to address issues such as climate change, and to resolving our human avaricious ways of managing natural resources by appropriating agricultural technology as the alternatives to inducing inflationary pressures on the economic resource.
I say we will base the African economic forces under negflation on free-trade mechanisms ‘par deflate-value’. How does free-trade negflation work? Based on supply and demand, government regulations do not fix prices; but prices are set by the conditions of production- which usually happens when climate conditions affect the production of natural resources, for example. If a product becomes plentiful and demand is constant, the prices equate between output goods for trade between trading actors. If demand increases but production or supply does not because of climate conditions, this will result in prices being equalised between alternative products that serve as a substitute when the original demand is currently unavailable for some reason.
This means that if orange is out of stock, it will be replaced by its alternative product such as tangerines or any of the other products in the orange-family, even up to seeking products out of the box – such as cocoa in interchange trade for mobile phones, or oil as payment for Manufacturer Franchise agreement for computerised technology industries or medical facilities production industries, and such like.
It needs to be emphasised that Africa has large natural resources in minerals, such as gold, silver, diamonds, cobalt, uranium, bauxite, copper, iron, and gas and a well abundant of oil such as petroleum reserves. We have a well abundant of sugar, salt, cocoa beans, palm oil, tropical fruits, woods, and many other significant and coveted natural resources, including a large population of labour power too. We are a resource-rich continent and the era of corporatism would value us not in terms of the International Monetary Fund, but in terms of quantitative factors and how many resources Africa will be capable to offer for trade to achieve its economic self-sufficiency subsistence under the proposed ethno-corporatist economy.
Just as important, the primitive era in Africa had a shared socio-cultural practice that developed into the ancient cooperative economic structures. In the African-Philosophy that expresses the objects of our cultural and historical thesis of Africans’ indigenous people since recorded history began, giving primacy to one’s family, clans, ethnic, community memberships’ interests, ubuntu and ujamaa, is what I advanced in my theory as the ancient African cooperative structure in this manifesto.
African ancient culture had powerful elements of altruist-relations and collectivist culture as recorded history demonstrated in the earliest civilisation of ancient Nubian people who are the indigenous tribe of northern-Africa, before the Arab arrived from Asian continent to take up residence in northern-Africa. The primitive-era across Africa that enriched the ethnoism structure of the Ancient era which the Nubian people occupied, before the invasion of the Arabian people from the Asian continent to northern-Africa, first developed an organised earliest society based on their shared sense of socio-cultural customs. The clusters of ethnic groups interspersed across African regions in the primitive era became concentrated to develop a common shared control of the means and mode of their economic production (shared land, labour-power, buildings and machinery of economic tools) and shared in common with their neighbouring communities.
While the African primitive-communism provides a clear exemption from class as a society of classless system, where classes did not exist in interspersed clusters communities; when African societies lived on a small-scale cooperative economic production and individuals took the initiatives as they deem fit to hunt and gather food requirements for themselves and shared with their kinfolks, families, and local communities, but the earliest ancient recorded civilisations we know about the Nubians provides a clear exempt from economic class in northern Africa.
The ecology of the earliest ancient northern African climate was not suitable to allow food to grow naturally from the ground in most landmass, while other African regions enjoy rich climates and forestry habitats – in the East, West and South – and individuals are thus free from work and can thus access food without much work and able to specialise in other interests, or tasks, or just ‘being’. The surplus provisions of food grown naturally from the ground and individuals did not have to engage in a systematic agricultural Planned-economy to sustain themselves kept both the primitive and earliest ancient Africans in other regions economically sustained throughout life, while northern Africa suffered the effect of the climate-change condition that had led the various influxes of people and small ethnic communities to move to areas where the lands were fertile, notably the wetter coast and richer forestry part of Africa.
The way the ancient northern Africans transitioned to institute a Planned-economy’ socio-economic cultured way of life had it that climate-change had desiccated northern African region and forced many people from the north and central Africa toward the Atlantic Oceans; where land in Africa develop into economic value, both in the north and central that was becoming less fertile for food to grow naturally from the ground. In the south, west and notably coastal areas the experience of people were not as adverse in the condition of land desiccation as a result of changes in the climate as it was in the north of Africa.
The forced-migrations for economic reasons that transitioned ancient northern Africans into its institutionalised socio-economic customs influenced the culture of other Africans, where; the inhabitants in the coastal areas with now mixed ethnic-groups living together as a single society with varied languages developed their trade-by-altruist exchange (trade-by-barter) of economic products with other Africans. The various primitive economic skills and cultures became concentrated together in clustered villages and communities, such as cotton spinning, built canoes to trade from coast to coast, rice and sorghum cultivation, iron smelting, and more.
The transition of African kingdomism into a social altruist-system took hold when the Nubian inhabitants from the north, a landmass now occupied by Egypt, developed an ideological systematic Planned-economy for agricultural cultivation of their desiccated landmass – desiccation that eroded the once fertile lands by climate change and drove people away from the north and central Africa to the coastal regions of Africa, Asia and Europe.
The Kerman clan of the Nubian people who are native inhabitants in northern Africa made an outside influence on their neighbouring communities – other small remaining communities – to help develop a settled agricultural Planned-economy; with now enough people to cultivate foods for the direct use-value of their communities, supported by trading with their neighbouring communities, around the flow of the Nile-River – with its fertile banks and its delta – sufficient to develop their own economic self-sufficient subsistence food resources for their economic survival. The socio-economic custom that developed provides a clear exemption from economic class, but with a kingdomised social-status, in northern Africa.
History recorded the activities of the Arabians from the Asian continent who entered African territory in the north at different times in a series of conquest of wars. The Arabians instituted their socio-culture in religion in Islam designed to depose the indigenous African people they interacted with from their pantheistic religious faith in Nature. The Arabs brought to Africa a new cultural order of forced-control of human energy as slaves to achieve an economic purpose, extended into direct military force and governing control over other indigenous Africans that occupied northern Africa and led to the first wave of Arabisation of African people notably across northern Africa. History recorded that people were being forced away from their communities and families were torn apart to the Nile-River area to work in forced-labour for the Arabians, who now occupied the Nile-River area side-by-side with the Nubians.
The Nubian and pharaonic tribes of ancient Egypt successfully implemented a Planned Economy that produced excess economic resources equitably, enabling self-sufficiency and directly meeting the use-values of society. In contrast, the later Arab occupiers—who instituted a Command-Economy model—sought to expand economic output primarily through coercive/slavery labour systems to generate surplus beyond use-value. Unlike the cooperative and surplus-sharing ethos of the pharaonic system, the Command-Economy imposed by the Arabians created forced conditions for excess production, rooted in extraction rather than equity.
The ancient Africans’ Planned-Economic culture—rooted in communal hunter-gatherer systems, fishing societies, and later, the cooperative surplus economy of the pharaonic State—was gradually deposed following the Arab conquest of North Africa. This transition gave rise to a Command-Economic culture characterised by mass labour, coerced servitude, grain-grinding, regimented agriculture, and the large-scale cultivation of economic resources under hierarchical and extractive systems.
The first ancient Arabian Imperial kingdom of government, that was structured in the western-style’s strand of a bureaucratic mode of organisation, under an ethnocracy form of governance (different to a strand of a commicratic mode of organisation under an ethnocratic-populism form of governance practised by indigenous ancient Africans in other regions) was instituted in the Nile-River area, now Egypt, by the Arabians securing for themselves their economic survival in Africa.
The descendants of the Arabians who migrated to Africa from the neighbouring Asian continent instituted the northern African culture of capturing indigenous Africans and they invaded Europe as well and captured slaves to northern Africa forcing people to work as economic slaves. This changed the Nubian and Kemet culture of kingdoms-government of Interdependent-leadership between leaders and members of their community, to the Arabian ideology of Imperialism of dependent-leadership to God by Islam over members of their community.
The Arabian kingdomism organised in a strand of bureaucracy progressed the ethnoism governing structure of rulers by kings and queens from social-status to include economic class also; they instituted the trading of slaves as a unit of economic value, and the extensions of Imperial kingdoms powered by congregating mass of paid-people – notably freed-slaves and the Medjay people from the Nubian region – ended up working in the Arabian military as soldiers to carry out invasions and forced control over their neighbouring native communities further afield for the Arabians, and thus displaced the altruist-system with class system in ancient African society across northern-African regions.
The kingdomised socio-economic culture created by the ancient Arabian Egyptians from the north, with their new excess economic freedom achieved from the back of human slavery, instituted trading links to Asia, Europe and the rest of African coastal regions as a new acquaintance of economic traders. The novel idea of using people as a unit of economic value and the institution of socio-economic kingdomism to exercise governance beyond social-status to include economic class also influenced the rest of indigenous African communities.
This was how ancient Africans developed their settled agricultural economy, their long-established culture of the slave trade of Africans and with the help of Africans for the Arabians, a more decentralised society of different cultures and languages cohabiting sides by sides and securing for themselves a wealth of economic trading resource both for their aesthetics needs and for their economic survival. The transition was determined in terms of the monetary value through excess economic resources, and by the need for the availability of people as workers to help to cultivate lands for surplus food resources in the northern regions of Africa.
The grandeur and organisational sophistication of ancient Egypt’s pharaonic system captured the attention of neighbouring European and Asian powers, as well as other African communities. Its macro-level planned economy, rooted in cooperative governance and surplus redistribution, stood as a model of stability and prosperity. In the aftermath of the Arab conquest of North Africa, the incoming Arabian system attempted to imitate this legacy—not through cooperation, but through a Command-Economic structure driven by coercion and top-down control. By concentrating power and labour into class-based hierarchies, the Arab rulers sought to recreate Egypt’s expansive wealth and social organisation. However, this imitation transformed the cooperative spirit of pharaonic kingdomism into an extractive order that prioritised domination over integration, disrupting indigenous models of communal wealth-sharing and displacing the balanced institutional legacy of ancient African governance.
The consequence of the unification of an entire area of communities into a governing system of kingdomism demonstrated how ancient Egypt’s pharaonic system, as demonstrated by the earlier implementation of Planned-economy, and how they developed and built a safe and spiritually endowed civilisation in pantheistic religious doctrines in Africa before the Arabians came to occupied northern Africa and brought with them a new social order imposed upon African indigenous people.
History records a series of invasions that reshaped the racial, cultural, and political identity of North Africa. One notable incursion occurred around 1675 BCE, when the Hyksos—Asiatic peoples from the Levant—entered and ruled parts of the Nile Delta. While not Arabs, their presence initiated early forms of cultural cohabitation that introduced new technologies and military practices. Later, around 1500 BCE, Pharaoh Thutmose I of Egypt launched military campaigns that pushed southward into Nubia, establishing Egyptian dominance over the region. In 666 BCE, the Assyrians invaded Egypt under King Esarhaddon, installing vassal rulers and weakening native dynastic control. This was followed by the Persian (Achaemenid) conquest of Egypt in 525 BCE under Cambyses II, integrating Egypt into the Persian Empire. In 332 BCE, Alexander the Great led the Macedonian invasion of Egypt, marking the beginning of Hellenistic rule through the Ptolemaic dynasty. The most transformative incursion, however, came in 639 CE, when Arab-Muslim forces under Amr ibn al-As invaded Egypt during the Rashidun Caliphate. This marked the beginning of a sustained Arabisation and Islamisation of North Africa. Over the following centuries, Arab and Berber conquests extended across the Maghreb—today’s Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and Mauritania—resulting in the spread of Arabic language (an Afro-Asiatic family branch), Islamic religion, and Arabian racial-cultural features that have since dominated the region’s identity.
At its peak, before the European imposition of slavery upon Africans and the consequent colonialism of African society notably the indigenous Africans, almost 10,000 different institutions of socio-economic kingdoms and self-governing pantheistic-governments and independent sovereignty with distinct languages and customs existed in other regions of Africa, while in northern Africa we have the Imperial system of Islamic-governments everywhere the Arabians occupied.
The historical knowledge of Arabians and European invasions of African kingdoms in the north of Africa influenced the culture of other western slavery invasions of clustered ancient African communities that spread to the rest of African regions, notably in the West, East and the South of Africa also. Most of the historical details of the rationale of how the individual African regional communities began to be influenced by the dependent-leadership style of Imperial-Kingdoms of kings and queens, and systematic agricultural Planned-economy for their economic wealth vanished and were destroyed with the approach of the first European missionaries – they interacted with indigenous Africans with bibles proclaiming the western Christian religion of an invisible God and Jesus Christ as the son of that God with human emotions, thus dispossessed multitude of native indigenous Africans away from their pantheistic religious faiths in God as an immaterial force existing in spiritual form within material beings thus omnipresent within Nature or natural environment of the Universe and not above it.
Ancient African communities broke out into social groups whose members shared the same socio-cultural and organisational interests based on their capabilities to avoid or fight to protect their communities from western slavery invasions. The greater good of altruist relations shifted in a consensus overseen by the moral authority of leadership in justifying a legitimate ruling-class ideology that projects a picture from ‘custodian of community’ to ‘protector of community’. The moral authority of the leadership of the minority social groups who now claim the power to protect their communities developed as a ‘class for itself’, and they exercised their collective action to develop a common identity, recognised their shared-interests and united to create the class solidarity to enforce their means by developing the means and mode of economic wealth concentrated in small regions.
Ancient African society transitioned into the chattel-era merely to protect their communities from western slavery invasions that deposed the safe societies of their ancient kingdomism – all of which had a king or chief or traditional leader of some description based on altruist-system governing structure under the principle of ‘custodian of community’. The economic relationships with foreigners that characterised the ancient Africans’ cultured way of life, means of economic survival, and modes of economic production, transformed from ancient ethnoism governing structure emphasising ethics and common-unity of different tribes cohabitation for economic survival and relations giving primacy to their community socio-economic interests.
However, despite the struggles that ancient Africans faced from western slavery invasions, the economic regime of western Africans remain a ‘class in itself’ – because food surplus grown organically from the ground in forestry areas and coastal regions did not provide the material condition for an organised systematic agricultural Command-economy to develop rapidly as the Arabians had done in northern African regions.
The institution of social kingdomism in ancient west-Africa lacked the level of brute force in the concentration of human energy for economic reasons, as the Arabian had done in northern Africa. The transition of African society from the chattel-era to the colonial-era re-structured the organised systematic agricultural economy of all African regions. The western labour-force imposed their westernisations to bear on Africans’ cultured ways of life, and the socio-economic regime of nationalism that course African society into partition handed them the practice of ‘class for itself’ – as a means to gain their independence as distinct sovereign nations in the global matrix.
As a result, the proposed African economic practice of negflation has a common relation to negating inflation and creating a “class in itself” to the means of production; in which scarce economic resource is defined as a category of ecological conditions with rising climate-change, in negating qualitative inflationary pressures ‘as an act of God’ on the value of resources sufficient to reinforce positive growth in the radical need for alternative economies, such as improved farming systems to increase soil fertility and production output, organic breeding of livestock for human consumption, and the domination of computer technology to play the innovative and developing role across all industries.
Therefore, the notion that we should enforce the unitary form of all African States for the greater good of altruist economic self-sufficiencies and subsistence of all African society collectively; in the proposition for the allocations of a government institution to regulate the proposed ethno-corporatist socio-economic affairs of all African States in a single sovereign body; such as a socialist structure of populocracy this manifesto proposed to serve the institution of the State leadership by what I identified and called: a party of StateLord as head of African States, and a party of secretariats headed by the office of the Secretary-of-State as the head of African States government: both leadership are conducive to our modern 21st century age to patriotic appeals, both in the national African interests and in the promotion of the African States governing system of ethno-corporatist solutions to achieve African economic revival from protégism.
In ancient Africa the primitive economic regime of regional Nubian community members became compromised to appeal to leadership by a kingdomised system of government; to regulate the institution of a Planned-economy, and comprised common strategies of community custodian regimes that installed the leadership of kings and queens to regulates law and order, to supervise the social affairs of their community members, and to oversees the participatory forms of economic planning within their respective communities.
I say the 21st century African leaders hold a governing structure advantage here from our Nubian ancient culture; to promote the populocratic demands of the African people for a self-sufficient subsistence socio-economic governing structure in our 21st century national interests; to institute and sustain the ethno-corporatist economic development we now seek in Africa.
The proposed African ethno-corporatist governing structure of government by populocracy draws heavily from its ancient ethnocratic-populist form of governance practised by the indigenous African communities in the same format, albeit in different variations.
When the ancient Nubian Africans had begun a campaign of patriotic sacrifice to appeal to their neighbouring communities to achieve their economic wealth and sufficient economic resource to meet their direct use-values, they erected the institution of ethnoism governing structure to regulate and co-opt defences to protect their communities, their economy and advanced their cultured ways of life. So, too, our current African leaders should take an active role in regulating and controlling associations of African socio-economic spheres activities; to institute organisations of African trade owners, entrepreneurs, vocational corporatists, e-marketeers and products influencers, and institutes a party of State citizenry-committees and economy-unionists as part of the government body in the affairs of the administration of government.
The citizenry economic-unionists are responsible for the national economy on affairs of the administration of government, and with the citizenry-committee – both are government and citizenry-interests oriented. They are to operate under the proposed African populocratic system of government, and ethno-corporatist economic system where; for example, we will not base competition between groups in the same trade on prices of products or monetary value because I remind myself, ethno-corporatism is a moneyless form of resource accounting under a non-monetary system.
Rather, competition for products and services will rest upon product quality and consumer satisfaction. The African ethno-corporatist mode of production will operate as a system of regulatory trade-economic organisation that directs and coordinates its State-ownership of economic production of stock as its economic wealth. And in a stock economy where no money exchanges hands and thus production is not motivated by money, but rather it is motivated by consumers’ direct demands of use-values and satisfaction upon provisions, is what makes ethno-corporatism a citizenry economy.
By this, the advances this manifesto has made to the proposed 21st century African-Socialism are relative to the theories and ideologies propounded by our African leaders during their formulation and aspirations for Independence Africa from western colonial rule in the 20th century. They believe that African-Socialism should depart from the Marxist-Leninist strand of western-built socialism, and adopt anew the strand of African-Socialism practised by our ancient ancestors before the chattel-era and the colonial-era – a strand of socialism that practice the altruist-sharing of the economy under cooperative economic system emphasising clans, communities and ethnic identification has been the ancient cultured way of life in ancient Africa – which simply is the belief and practice of economic-equalism. This manifesto is a recall – a recall of our 21st century African leaders to revisit our Pan-Africanism’s post-colonial aspirations to restructured our African society back to its ancient socialism, but to its large-scale macro-level economies.
I say, the emerging global corporatist-socialism is associating and drawing our current African generation back to our ancient African-Socialism – the practice of collective-individualism and cooperative economy on a large-scale macro-level economy. The proposed theory of ethno-corporatism is developing to be more than our ancient African-Socialism – it advocates for a socio-ethical concept of structural functionalism that encourages comforts in life’s pleasures and argued that the spirit of ethno-corporatism is not about making money, or in terms of the monetary value of African economic resource or labour power, but a way of life which has ethics, duties and obligations.
The worldly comforts and pleasure-seeking in Nature in the way of life of native indigenous African pantheistic religion led to two major features of African-Socialism and its work-ethics: the standardisation of socio-economic regimes from the economic surplus of foods grown organically from the ground in ancient Africa, to the proposed organised systematic Planned-Economy and division of labour in the 21st century; from the ethnocratic-populism governance regimes that allocated regulatory-power of government in the hands of kings and queens in ancient African, to the proposed specialised State role of African StateLords and Secretary-of-State that places state-centred legislative power in direct control of citizenry-electorates on affairs of government and the economy in the 21st century.
I say Africans can achieve for themselves surplus economic resources and economic wealth and to live a comfortable life and engage in economic relationships with our partnered multinational corporations to secure the luxuries they desired from Africa. Modern Africans are eager to push themselves to work towards African economic recovery and freedom from protégism, to seek our precious time for leisure and encourages one to seek aesthetic comforts and pleasures from engaging in labour activities to achieve the healthy-individualism and lifestyle one desires.
Primitive and Ancient African society has produced the non-money making concept for modern African economy to co-opt their socio-economic interests to create a non-monetary economy of African ethno-corporatist society.
CHAPTER FOUR
THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF AFRICAN ETHNO-CORPORATISM
The theoretical feature of corporatism I applied in this model of African ethno-corporatism manifesto, I depart from the ideas and principles of the corporatist States that once developed in Europe to operate under the governing system of the various political institutions.
I claim that corporatism would become conflicted, ambiguous, crippled and fail to serve its global and national intended purposes in the interests of the consumers, service-users and citizenry if continued to allow it to operate under the edifying community of capitalism, hence the bureaucratic corporatist States in Europe; that, involved allowing the representatives of the two sides of industries (capital and labour, employers and workers) to access to State decision-makings through their organisations. They claimed that this was capitalists’ intended purpose to reach compromise solutions and blunt the unintended consequences of class conflicts, but history has shown more strikingly the direct opposite.
I extract the theory of corporatism from ancient African-socialism and developed it more extensively to fulfil its economic-determinism in the proposed African ethno-corporatist society in the 21st century. I believe that if we are to remove groupings by class in our socio-economic platform in society, one way to achieve the intended purpose involves allowing the working-group and the citizenry-electorates to access State decision-makings directly in government and influence their day-to-day society’s socio-economic affairs to meet their desire.
Capitalists’ attempts to incorporate the theory of corporatism into capitalism were misunderstood of corporatism. If you asked me, how is a capitalist system different from a corporatist system?
I would say, the capitalist system is an economic system that operates based on the production of goods and services that can only exist when ‘spontaneous supply’ meets its ‘coincidental demands,’ and thus account for the existence of a monetary market-economy; but the corporatist system based the production of goods and services to operates on a centralised Planned-economy to makes ‘planned supply’ meets its ‘existing demands,’ and thus creates the existence of a stock trade-economy.
The fundamental is that corporatism is a corporation that operates like a corporate entity – planned, controlled, organised, and regulated, with a focus towards a specific goal. But capitalism can only operates under the market-economy, where production and prices of goods and services are determined by unrestricted competition between ‘spontaneous supply’ of products and services to meet their ‘coincidental demands’ – a condition where if consumers happen not to desire the products the producer loses and prices drop to its bare minimum, and if consumers happen to need the products the producer wins because higher demand of products or services influence prices to be raised to increase profits – which is the purposiveness of capitalism – profit-making at the expense of consumers need of necessities.
Another important is that the capitalist system creates the material condition for the existence of a free market economic system – for the supply of products to source demands – where products are produced ahead in hope of demand culminating in wastage of economic resources and aggregations of expiry products from warehouses, restaurants and supermarkets shelves to the landfills. In simple terms, the production of corporatism is to supply existing demands, but the production of capitalism is to source demands for the existing supply.
As a result, State-corporatism and State-capitalism are direct opposites both in theory and practice. State-capitalism sees market-economy, profit-making and accumulation of wealth as virtuous; but, State-corporatism sees trade-economy, favourable to appropriate non-monetary economy, and shared provision of wealth and economic-equality as virtuous.
The theory of ‘ethno’ and ‘corporatism’; both combined turned out to be the natural outgrowth of the system of free trade-economy because the term ‘ethno’ emphasise the idea of a people collectively having a shared practice of something, and the term ‘corporatism’ that requires suppliers to meet existing demands posits the theory of ethno-corporatism as a people with a common socio-economic custom, to organise their economic system in ways where products and services would be in demand before its direct supply can take effect, creating the condition of an altruist-system and egalitarian society. Both of which appropriate the material condition for which economic environments can be based on the law of ‘Demand’ with what I identified and called: ‘Provision‘.
I defined ‘Demand and Provision’ as the provision of goods and services to meet their direct use-value; or provision of use-value to meet the direct demand of consumers – considered as factors regulating its production and quality.
The term ‘Value’ in a moneyless form of resource accounting operating under a non-monetary economy, is whatever is a utility to facilitate the beginning and end of the process of production. In an ethno-corporatist society, use-value is without monetary value, and the non-monetary use-value of labour is useful to produce use-value of goods and services for citizenry-consumers as the means to achieve the economic survival of both the working-group and the non-working-group in equal proportion.
The theory of ethno-corporatism and a free trade-economic system are both economic environments based on the law of demand and provision, and are also both involved in determining the production of goods and services based solely on existing demands, rather than based on coincidental demands of the existing supply of products and services as operates under capitalism. While capitalism operates based on overturning material goods into wealth with a specific focus on capitalists’ ownership of the factors of production as capital, the focal points of ethno-corporatism are based on provisions on the factors of production for corporatists to exploit with their corposense in creating stocks of use-values.
Unlike capitalism which is centred on the competition between companies and businesses with key motivation for profit makings on goods and services, the key features of ethno-corporatism centred on the competition between manufacturers with motivation for quality of goods and services. As a result, even though both capitalist economy and corporatist economy rely on demands to exist for a product or service to operate successfully, the idea of capitalist production ahead of demand simply does not conform to the economic operation of ethno-corporatist demand to exist before its production can exist.
Additionally, in a capitalistic society the availability of supply to meet its demand determines product pricing and services, but under ethno-corporatism the capacity to harmonise demand to meet its trade-interchange determines the provision of product quality and services.
In a capitalistic society government regulation may affect free market conditions, and a capitalist manufacturer can have a monopoly on the market with no competition with others on the quality and pricing of goods and services, but the condition under which ethno-corporatism operates is solely on demand and trade-interchange that already harmonised fair-trade condition and the approach of ethno-corporatism leaves demands to determine production (and not the supply of products to influence demands), and as a result, there is absolutely no room for a manufacturer to have a monopoly on trade or products quality with no competition with other same products accessible to a country’s consumers.
The capitalist strand of the Free trade economy is still in operation in the current global economy, relatively, because of the ongoing confusion that sees the current corporatist economy operating under the edifying community of capitalists’ ethics. Each country has free trading aspects with other countries, notably with their immediate neighbouring countries – the European-Union is a prime example. Everywhere we looked, we see countries fully operational in free trading. China’s economic-internetisation with the rest of the world, in particular, is a prime example of global economic-internetisation and the corporatist strand of free trading economies. China is the leading trading partner of many countries in the global corporatist society, where one can order products over the internet from china from anywhere around the world.
The proposed economic system of African ethno-corporatist society expresses its proposed future role in the actual economic and social relations not just within Africa but with the rest of the world, springing from an existing African struggle, interests and needs, and set to culminate in an astute bulge extending to a corporatist strand of free trading with the rest of the world, owing to the economic-internetisation global relations that are already in full swing, operating in the global economy. The domination of political activity in modern societies is not at all in conformity with the feature of global corporatism. The proposed African corporatism as a feature of ethno-corporatist society has some key features:
The theory of corporatism operates a monetary economy essential for global trade between countries and market economic relations nationally, and the theory of ethno-corporatism operates a non-monetary economy essential for operating a moneyless resource accounting nationally.
Ethno-corporatism has a distinct edifying community of its own, and its economic doctrine aims to put an end to the monetary economy and the last vestige of capitalist operation, for the African State’s centralised Planned-Economy in control of the means of economic production and the coordination of the State’s altruist humanitarian working-group for the economic survival of citizenry collectively. It is an economic system based on the State’s ownership of the means of production and their operation for free-labour and free-payment consumption on products and services to citizenry-consumers.
The characteristics central to ethno-corporatism include State-ownership of property, State total control of production, citizenry free-service commodity and free-payment commodity, free trading and moneyless trade-off exchange on products and services under a non-monetary economy nationally, including competitive trading based solely on products quality. The economic and social affairs of the State that are the key focus of ethno-corporatist governing activity in the exercise of the Regulatory-guidelines of government, and do NOT:
- possess bureaucratic power of government officials or veto power akin to authoritarianism over the affairs of the State;
- decide for people or override the people’s vote by any regulatory power or interests of any government-official.
The proposed altruist-system of the ethno-corporatist economy characterised the split between two legislative groups of citizenry: the working-group – those responsible for the economic production of goods and services (the manufacturers, e-marketeers, trade-owners, vocational corporatists, and the service providers); and the citizenry-electorates – those who are within the voting capacity age, the pensioners, the working-group, the non-working group, the incapacity to work and those who chose not to engage in work activities by choice.
Ethno-corporatism is inherently an altruistic-system, highly sustainable and creates economic-equality between the working-group and the non-working group; it is populocratic under the service of collective-individualism that fosters healthy-individualism and strengthening of human rights.
Corporatism is an economic system where the government plays the primary role in matters of the economy. In an ethno-corporatist society, however, the government plays a regulatory role in matters of the economy. The government body engages in the formulation and policy proposal, and the citizenry government body has the legislative-power to accept or reject the proposal or to vary its conditions. Citizenry also has the right of entitlements to State-owned properties, free-payment on goods and services for their direct use-value, including having their policy proposal to the government implemented above the interests of any government body.
African citizenry relations with their African governments in the past have continually been subject to social and economic change, consequent upon the change in economic conditions and bureaucratic powers exercise over the affairs of the State that affect the lives of the citizenry. The revolution against colonialism in Africa, for example, abolished the western States’ direct rule that placed our African natural resources and allocation of lands for economic purposes and social life as we knew it, in Africans’ own hands.
The distinguishing feature of the proposed ethno-corporatism in Africa is not the abolition of protégé merely, but the abolition of all political governing instruments and democratic tools protégism holds as a weapon in instituting the condition of economic class and power-class detrimental to the African economy and dispossessing the African States economic entitlement to African citizenry.
The global corporatist economic-internetisation has the characterising flame of an altruist-system, to balance the means and mode of economic production, and of equality and inclusivity, in the global economy. In this sense, the theory of corporatism and the African proposed model of ethno-corporatism is summed up in a single sentence: The abolition of the last vestige of the classic form of class system in human society, or the introduction of altruism to equalise two unequal classes.
The global corporatists have been achieving our economic survival through the humanitarian desire of individuals to be independent of the toil of the working-class bureaucratic system of the past generation, in which the modern economic-internetisation owing to computer skills and ability achieves its productive capacity for providing computer-generated products and services and the use of computerised artificial-intelligence machines used in the production and manufacture of goods and services from the comforts of one’s own home or small unit workshops.
Owing to the extensive use of internetisation, the global corporatists become the economic players through their domination of the e-marketing economic platform – and the work is often less mechanical, if not non-mechanical; in their most easily gained skills and capability, most simple and mental energising and rewarding.
Global corporatists have proven that the economic survival of individuals does not require the accumulation of owning properties or capital in vast sums. Not a bit. Individual corposense is the only requirement needed to guarantee economic survival in the modern generation. In the proposed African model of ethno-corporatist society, for example, there is no requirement for such thing as individuals’ accumulation of properties as a means for economic survival.
Availability of material resources as use-value is the only economical means in an ethno-corporatist society. The useful material resource to facilitate production is the only form of production in any developed society. By instituting a non-monetary system within Africa’s national economy, we are placing the economic survival of citizenry-consumers outside the control of the global financial influence, such as inflation, the ambiguity of the exchange rate of one currency in terms of another currency, and such.
In such a society that operates on the moneyless resource accounting of a non-monetary economy, individual access to housing and public facilities for any purpose is the responsibility of the government to make available as a socio-economic provision to meet citizenry demands. Individuals that desire to travel abroad for education, tourism, or for any purpose, is the responsibility of the African government to finance citizenry foreign endeavours and provide such financial security to its citizens throughout their foreign stay.
In Africa, there will be no such thing as rent charges or property tax or property sales, or any sales even. All items of useful-values, goods and services, or products that we’re subject to buy and sold to us for money as we know it in capitalist societies, we would re-evaluate to a moneyless stock resource accounting in African ethno-corporatist society; all labour or human capital as commodities under capitalism, we would re-define to as the use-value of corposense and as production resource accounting under ethno-corporatism.
As a result, the accumulation of properties in an ethno-corporatist society would not create wealth for individuals – the property would not mean to create economic income or as a means for economic survival for individuals – we say it is a necessity for every human being to have shelter and food and such necessities without the imposition of monetary value placed on human worth, and so be it.
The culture of capitalists’ accumulation of property which exploits the common people everywhere in the world; the toil of the livelihood of low-income earners where renting for the simple will to shelter oneself set properties to increases in value as they periods and gone through series of repairs and patchworks, and allow property owners to inflate rents and sale prices by doing a few tick-box decorations and extensions to properties, upon conditions of exploiting the population of their wage labour on house-rents alone; such bureaucratic and exploitative condition would ceased to exist in an ethno-corporatist society.
The Trade Economic Ideals Of Ethno-Corporatism
Ethno-corporatism is an economic system based on the State-ownership of the means of production, and the citizenry’s decision-making and operation of the economy for self-sufficiency subsistence. Characteristics central to ethno-corporatism include the citizenry’s collective equal right of entitlement to State property, administration of corposense proprietorship, free-labour and free-consumption of goods and services, a moneyless form of resource accounting or moneyless trade-off exchange between the stockists and the consumers, a direct use-value system and competitive trade based on the quality of products and services.
In the proposed African ethno-corporatist trade-economy, citizenry-electorates are responsible for the decision-making on affairs of the State with the government’s foreign trade partnerships; including allocation of industries or production locations and labour power resource allocations, or provisions in useful material resources and requirements necessary to achieve and appropriate human resource of corposense to meets direct demands of goods and services.
The proposed economic ideals of trade in the proposed ethno-corporatist society I have declared will institute the proposed national moneyless-based socio-economic relations, where the working-group engages in works activity for the necessity of use-value for individuals to meet their use-values of goods and services for their economic survival, and regulated by the State (in symbolic fashion) who owns the means of economic production – is a process that will lead to a certain form of emancipated, liberated, or free economic revolution in Africa. The proposed ethno-corporatist system is almost free of direct government intervention, and is an economic system that seeks social justice and economic-equality of citizenry collectively, as the primary necessity to increase the standard of living and ultimately economic growth desirable to our African society.
Ethno-corporatism establishes power in the hands of the citizenry majority that exists through voters’ selection of policy in a daily voting exercise or in an elective-process and to which an engaged and participatory citizenry-electorates takes part to cast their vote on each proposed decision-making on affairs on the administration of government, and conducted primarily on individual mobile phone-apps or computerised device. The decisions of the citizenry-electorates through the daily voters’ selection of policy that will occur in the daily govoxical participation exerts the position of the citizenry collectively both in the day-to-day activities of the government and in the exercise of citizenry legislative-power to approve or reject a proposal for laws proposed by any of the Branches of government, including policies proposed by the office of the StateLords. The primary function of the office of the StateLords is their collective enactment exercise of the citizenry Legislature – to grant the Lord Assent to citizenry decisions to become law.
This process allows the citizenry-electorates – both the working-group and the non-working-group – to make decisions that affect the working-group and their labour; to prioritise economic-equality that favours the citizenry society in control of the working-group; to make it the citizenry concern of the most important consideration, such as the exploitation of the natural resources existing within local boundaries that make environmental issues a most pressing matter of greatest importance to reflect in citizenry Legislative decision makings; to reflects local communities decisions that shape their definitions of social justice, equality, and their economic approach to development.
The trade-economic ideals of ethno-corporatism will provide products and services based on quality and innovation through competition between manufacturers, promotes diversity across Africa and centralise state legislative power to make state-centred rules and regulates in the hands of citizenry-electorates, which, as a matter of course, disperses basic economic needs for survival to all citizenry including those of working-age who chose not to engage in work activities by choice.
This would maintain economic wealth for all working-group, pensioners, the disabled, and those below the working-age. It would allow for a principled incentive system to promote the sustainability of labour as a trade-economic priority to encourage the contribution of corposense of every working-age group, to maintain strong economic growth, to protect the interests of the working-group, and yields productivity that benefits society.
In the proposed ethno-corporatist mode of production, the owners of the means of production are the office of the StateLords. The State regulators of production are the government who facilitates the Manufacturer Franchise of products or services from the global economy to Africa and appropriated freely on a Master-Franchise resource trading agreement with the State industrial corporations and trade-owners who will occupy the proposed Economy-branch of government. The inputs of production are State-owned and the outputs of production are under the control of the working-group, and the moneyless value of goods and services are interchanged in trade. Production exists for trade interchange to meet direct demands and its direct provisions to citizenry-consumers.
A defining feature of ethno-corporatism is the appropriation of a non-monetary system to define the useful value of the working-group labour; whereby, the working-group (corporatists) are the proprietorship of corposense and are of the obligation to engage in works activity with their labour in exchange to enable individuals to meet their useful-values for their economic survival and the common-good of African society as a whole.
The mode of production of ethno-corporatism cannot, ideally, be said to operate complementarily with any socio-economic system operating a monetary economy. First, the trade-economy of ethno-corporatism embodies and typifies the circuit of production with no monetary value, ‘P-T-P’ and by providing one product for another product where the number of trading actors determines the provision of goods and services to consumers through the interchange of P, of the input of labour and material resource that are both the result of the process of production and interchange by T – both the labour and the produced product for trade. This is based on the production process P/P. “Product for Product” and the product interchange of value that occurs at that point of P=P is the condition of equality in the ethno-corporatist system and a necessary condition for the next cycle of production/interchange.
As a result, the economic system of ethno-corporatism based “production for trade interchange” to drive by the necessity to meet consumers’ demands and to meet their specific provisions for products in proportion with products quality obtainable in such trade interchange, conciliated or made compatible by corporatist free trades interchange. The economic needs and wants of consumers in an ethno-corporatist society would be the driving force for trade and only carried out for production and interchange to meet consumers’ demand for their express and specific use-value. Economic web-internetisation platform is the free-hand for the trade-economy of ethno-corporatism, with its capacity to pose equal opportunities solutions that will match the social production of a society to their economic needs and necessity through the operation of a moneyless form of resource accounting, based on direct production to meet its specific direct use-value to its consumers.
This system of moneyless-trading activity I proposed is the ideal of a cooperative economic model that had existed in ancient African society. Trade and improved socio-economic system transitioned Africans from primitive-communism to their ancient societies and led to the ancient civilisations of Africans.
The bartering system (Trade-by-Barter) allows people to get what they need without having to cultivate it themselves and it is the basic form to access economic needs. The one fundamental advantage of the barter-system is the absence of monetary value on goods and services. Value, in itself, is exaggerated. The idea of “Value” in the ancient-society was simpler and much regarded as quantitative factors – the quantity of products and time factor of services. But in the capitalist society the concept of “value” was aggregated with qualitative factors of evaluation – where valuations of goods and services are done using estimated data to predict how markets would perform in the future to determine its prices and ultimately for profit-making ideology, for example, and the valuation of ‘competitive advantage’ which leads to a whole lot of ugliness within the system.
The concept of ‘Value’ differ between the capitalism model of operation and that of corporatism, and it is what sets the capitalist economy apart from the ethno-corporatist economy, including the mode of production which is the sole inputs and outputs of production and operates on different economic models, as shown below:
| Capitalist Economic Model | Ethno-Corporatist Economic Model |
| Value is based on quantitative factors, and in addition, insured with qualitative factors of evaluation and thus aggregates the natural order of value. | Value is based on quantitative factors of valuation and maintained in its natural order. |
| It invests with money for profit based on valuation models of products. | It invests resources to acquire stocks based on promotional demand for products. |
| Demand and supply occur under the particular conditions of the market-economy. | Demand and provision occur under the particular conditions of the trade-economy. |
| Products and services are monetary commodities. | Products and services are moneyless use-value. |
| Production exists for capitalists’ market of accumulation and monetary-value favourable to market actors. | Production exists for ethno-corporatists’ trade of necessity and direct use-value favourable to consumers. |
| Market-based allocation of capital. | Trade-based administration of corposense. |
| Production is actualised for the existence of a market. | Production actualised for direct use-value without a market of any kind. |
| Its production for profit-making is directed at exploitation within the market. | Its production for use-value is in addition open for trade. |
| The price mechanism of commodity production is subject to inflation that drives up prices of goods and services whenever resources are scarce and demand exceeds supply. | The useful-value mechanism of resources is subject to negflation that keeps the value of products and services constant and fixed whenever resources are scarce and demand exceeds their provision. |
| Production of a commodity is directed to maximise the monetary-value of goods and services. | Production of resources is established to subsist the sufficiency of use-value of products and services. |
| Capital accumulation and the drive for profit-making define the commercial logic and implicit purpose of economic rationality in capitalist production. | The non-monetary system and administration of corposense define the productive logic and explicit purpose of economic-equality in ethno-corporatist production. |
| Capital is used to power the existence of production, such as money to secure lands, material resources, and pay for labour. | Corposense is appropriated to power the existence of production, such as the intellectual-property for production, resource of useful value, and accessibility of material resources and labour power. |
| Private ownership of the means of production or through a State merely serves the interest of the capitalist class. | State-ownership of the means of production or citizenry control of the mode of production merely serves the interest of the citizenry collectively. |
| The economic-internetisation of global corporatism – existing in the current computer artificial-intelligence technology age – had scaled down the mode of production of the capitalist economy. | Economic-internetisation of global corporatism – existing in the current computer artificial-intelligence technology age – had contrasted the mode of provision of protégism as incompatible with the 21st-century African society. |
| The capitalist economy is a progressive force against the feudalism of the preceded generation in western societies. | The ethno-corporatist economy is a progressive force against protégism existing in this current generation in Africa. |
Both capitalism and ethno-corporatism are essentially economic systems with distinct modes of operation and ethics; both are modes of production with a capacity to achieve complete domination of the global economy; both have the capacity for a larger context to match society economic production to the needs, wants and desires of societies’ consumers; both depend on the industrialised form of economic organisation, and both are value-based economy.
Production actualised for the existence of a market is a process that goes through constant modifications to conform to economic rationality based on the capitalists’ drive for monetary profits and self-interest goals – between the capitalists who own the means of production and their total control of prices relationship with consumers at large.
But production actualised for direct use-value without a market of any kind is a process that remains uniformly organised to conform to economic-equality based on the State’s pursuit of economic welfare and altruism – between the Corporatist State who owns the means of production and its controls of the mode to meets the provisions for demand for direct use-value of goods and services to the citizenry-consumers collectively.
The metaphor proposed by Adam Smith about the “invisible hand” that self-regulates the market-economy to maintain the equilibrium that helps the spontaneous supply of goods to meet its coincidental demands for consumers’ needs and wants, can also be argued either way in a non-monetary economy, in the context where the economic needs and wants of individuals determines the demands for goods and services that operates within a particular region.
On the one hand, it can be said that the concept of the “invisible hand” defines the promotional demands for products that direct the needs of the government to invest resources to acquire stocks for its next cycle of interchange-trading to sustain its free consumable economy that benefits the best interest of every member of society citizenry-consumers equally.
In contrast, however, it can also be said that the working-group are each using their direct useful-values to meet the direct use-values of citizenry-consumers as a whole and that collectively they direct the equilibrium of trade policies in a natural course without government intervention or citizenry-electorates to attempt to shape the economic desires of citizenry-consumers collectively. So, in the latter context citizenry-consumers are in full control of their desires, but in the former context the ‘invisible hand’ shapes the desires of citizenry-consumers and defines the promotional demands for the government.
The existence of the “invisible hand” does not make sense when you consider that in a predominantly Muslim community, the promotional demand for pork food would be lower and almost to the point of non-existence compared to predominant Christian communities – this cannot, therefore, be said to be the handiwork of the “invisible hand”, but rather the deliberate choice and desires of the collectives to direct the promotional demands for government provisions of resources to meet the direct use-values to citizenry-consumers.
This goes further and turned the concept of the “invisible hand” on its head when you consider that the economic system of capitalism only recognises the self-interests of individualism, while ethno-corporatism goes beyond individuals’ interests to recognise the needs of the collectives.
This makes sense when you consider that the common-unity of a community is grounded in the cultural-mores of the collectives and not of the individual, and that tradition informs individuals’ desires to conform to the morality of ethnic conservatism that weakens the spontaneous supply of goods and services to not meets its coincidental demands equally in every community; and that, in a sense, informs us of the direct promotional demands of the economic needs of the collectives, such as diets and agricultural produce, distinct economic services and provision requirements, and desires that operate specifically to a particular community.
As an example, in Liberia, we appropriate cassava leaves as part of our diets, but in Nigeria, we do not eat cassava leaves and got thrown away or used to feed livestocks. Some tribal groups still oppose modernity for various reasons, and those reasons will dictate their collective demands for distinct economic provisions in an ethno-corporatist society. The important is, whilst we cannot say 21st-century Africans have not been influenced to desire societal avarice, we do not pander towards excessive individualism as operates in capitalist societies. African society is a collectivist society, just as the theory of corporatism is a socio-economic system that promotes collectivism and a collectivist society.
As a result, the proposed African economic-internetisation is by its operation will be organised to meet the direct provisions of the economic needs and desires that match up consumers’ demands with the stockists’ goods in an ethno-corporatist society.
The global corporatist era that dates from the 1980s began with computerised corporatism in the workplace to control the modes of production, and in the 1990s it began its economic-internetisation networking to control the means of production. Corposense as an economic instrument generates in human nature and had existed from the beginning of our human existence itself. We can trace evidence for the existence of corposense back when recorded history began, since the era of primitive-communism, ancient-societies, and up to the present day.
The primitive generations’ use of corposense invented sharpened rocks and wooden sticks to hunt and gather food for their economic survival. We owe the privilege of our use of paper made from wooden products as writing materials to the ancient generations’ use of their corposense as an economic instrument. The ancient generations also invented the use of horse carriages to transport goods and services; the different form of housing, motorways and buildings, and more. Every human generation appropriates the use of corposense as their economic instrument, and the current global corporatist society is the revival of the ancient-societies.
My theory is that the economic system of our ancient African society is compatible with the proposed ethno-corporatist society; that the socio-economic condition of the Chattel era overlaps with the current Protégé society; and that the colonial era is the middle ground and wholly unprecedented in the history of Africa and thus do not relate with any socio-economic system that had existed or will ever exist again in African society; which, when looked closely, the primitive era in Africa will be comparable with the future socio-economic system that will depose ethno-corporatism.
When we applied this theory to the western States’ historical timeline, we see that their socio-economic system does not have a middle ground or reconstruction of society as it had been in Africa’s colonial era. They went on a straight course of linear-direction from one epoch to the subsequent ones; where, their ancient society is comparable with the current global corporatist society; Feudal society overlaps with its subsequent capitalist society, and their primitive-communism is on course to be comparable with the future socio-economic system that will depose the current global corporatism.
This makes sense when you consider that the core defining feature of every epoch in human society defines the specific force of their economy. The ancient society in the world is known for pioneering systematic-agriculture as the driving force for their economy, just as the capitalist society is known for pioneering machinery-technology as the driving force of the economy. So, too, is the global corporatist society known for pioneering the web-internetisation platform of computer-intelligence as the pioneering force of our economy in this generation.
In Africa, the advancement of civilisation among ancient societies—particularly through the development of systematic agriculture—was a response to climatic changes that pushed communities toward more stable and organised forms of economic life. This shift was pioneered by the Pharaonic system in Egypt, which laid the foundations for a planned, cooperative economy across the Nile Valley. As a result, many African societies transitioned from primitive, kinship-based subsistence economies to complex, cooperative economic systems. This transformation also reshaped governance structures, evolving from clan-based authority to centralised State formations with institutional leadership, shared power, and interdependent governance among kings, queens, priests, chiefs, and civic administrators
We do know there are a significant number of inventions we still use today that originated from the ancient era, so as this generation inventions would continue to serve our human future generations for centuries to come. What we know as the economic system of trade-by-barter is a cooperative resource-interchange of goods and services and cooperative resource production for trade, and it forms the basis to which capitalism monetised as its market-economy. This is to demonstrate that no organised socio-economic system can exist without some form of cooperative approach.
The cooperative mode of production had existed and emerged as a distinctive mode of production that dominated the socio-economic system and its governing system in African ancient societies. For the proposed ethno-corporatist mode of production to emerge as a distinctive mode of production to dominate the socio-economic system in this current generation of African society, the economic arrangement, economic-equality in the form of a moneyless form of resource accounting, citizenry-centred technical structure, cultural networking between communities, and corporatist legal governing conditions, will organise to harmonise together in the practice of their homogeneity. This, in a sense, will conform to the trade and economic ideal of ethno-corporatism towards a social structure of the altruistic socio-economic system.
Whereas, in all hitherto organised socio-economic systems in the history of human society, all these do not organise together or merge in harmony. Organised economy existed and organised forms of nationalism-system existed, but none can lead to economic-equality and global free trade corporatist industrialised economy like ethno-corporatism would.
Ethno-corporatism entails a humanitarian form of conditions, namely specific technologies that direct production for direct use-value rather than for the market, the abolition of private ownership of the means of production, the administration of corposense that stimulates the working-group to contribute their labour resource for the altruist benefit of their society, a legal framework promoting interchange-trading, a global inter-networking infrastructure making the wide coverage of ethno-corporatist economic interrelationships on a large scale possible, legal framework protection for States-to-States economic relationships with manufacturers and inventors and so on.
Today, in the current global corporatist society, these conditions are not in harmony or organised to come together in homogeneity, owing to corporatist economic relations under the control of the political governing system. The corporatist economy is administering corposense and free trade-economy through its web–internetisation platform, and we are experiencing an excess of corposense and altruist forms of labour resource in operation on the internet everywhere, but most remain stifled by the power of politics erecting obstacles for the development of corporatist economic relations.
I dare say, the barrier to the progressive development of global corporatism is not a social, cultural or technical matter or know-how even, but the interference of political governing principles administering power-class over corporatist economic relations.
What we are experiencing in the modern era everywhere in the world is how our current generation is already fully operational as “Corporatists”, because the central operation of economic-internetisation is corporatist activity. Equally, the political administrative control over corporatist economic relations is seeing corporatist means and mode of production under the governing control of the political State government in societies. I say the economic platform under which a society operates should direct the course of that society’s government structure. It is time the institution of politics packs up and meets its end, globally.
However, there are key issues in the proposed ethno-corporatism mode of production that need to be re-emphasised before we can proceed to the transforming structures of its socio-economic structure. It is possible to summarise the essential defining characteristics of the proposed ethno-corporatism economic model as follows:
- Economic production, goods and services, will base production for stock trading; we will carry out production to produce direct use-value in open trade, and that includes a moneyless form of resource accounting; and only through the trade of production can both the State and its citizenry-society collectively can meet their society useful values – ultimately for their economic survival and economic sufficiency subsistence of the State.
- In proportion with achieving economic-equality to citizenry-society collectively, the inputs of production (the corposense, labour, material resource) contributed though resource-interchange as useful-values, whereby the workers interchanged their labour for free-payment on goods and services, including throughout their pension age. The economic value of both material resources and labour will govern the activity of production and proprietorship (and not by the law of monetary value).
- In a sense, an ethno-corporatist State must make the most of its resources (both natural resources and corposense) to trade both for its means of production and allocation of labour resources and to produce direct use-values of goods and services to meet its citizenry-consumers’ demands for provisions. The resource gained from trade will add up to a State’s useful value resources which the corporatist-State reinvests in stock-trading, to accumulate more useful values and ultimately more corposense developed from it that creates more resources for future trading by the State.
- State-ownership of the means of production (State proprietorship of corposense) coordinates the economic activities according to citizenry demands for provision. As a result, the citizenry working-group will make resource investment and economic management decisions from their socially conscious economic planning and enforced by the State. State proprietorship of franchise manufacturing lines of products and services can set their output production within the framework of the forces of demand and provisions governed by the need for sufficiency of production for goods and services – to produce sufficient economic resources and meet the economic demands of citizenry-consumers collectively.
- The consequence of a moneyless form of resource accounting is that the working-age group must contribute their labour as the only means to access their means of consumption, and economic survival, and to foster economic-equality only through individual resource-interchange trading of their labour power with the State.
- Since we carry out production to produce direct use-value to citizenry-consumers as a whole, social production will drive the experience of citizenry-consumers to effect changes in products that match the quality desired. Competition occurs between manufacturers of products and services for sustainability, and efficient trade production which helps to foster a stronger relationship in State-to-State trading, quality-value-ratio of goods and services, avoiding brain-drain of corposense from growing and more efficient resource-trade production of skilled workers.
The overall goal of ethno-corporatist production under competitive pressure for quality products and services are:
- To sustain its production line as long as possible through creative innovations of a variety of products, satisfying its consumers’ needs and expanding the state’s foreign trades and in return for provisions to citizenry-society;
- Corposense proprietorships, and accumulate productive intellectual-properties through trade from foreign investors and domestic product inventors alike;
- To direct the nationalisation of both goods and services and their free consumption to achieve economic-equality for State citizenry collectively; and
- Production of useful values and resources that are State-owned or free of foreign franchise restriction would direct the course of our reinvestment in foreign stock-trading since production and proprietorship of corposense are essential resources for trade interchange.
From the operation of the ethno-corporatist mode of production, the basic altruist structure of moneyless resource accounting drive for this mode of production in society emerges in the drive for economic-equality; with no defining economic class between a group of owners of trade-owners or vocational corporatists operating as stockists of goods, managers and workers, and service providers of corporations and industries; between the working-group and pensioners and those below the working-age group; as well as between those permanently or temporarily disabled and the job-seekers. No economic class anywhere in an ethno-corporatist society.
The finance of the ethno-corporatist State will derive from income from foreign interchange trading of stocks and resources. Whilst the ethno-corporatist State operates a non-monetary economy at a national level, it operates a monetary economy in its stock-trading transactions with foreign trading partners in the proposed global exchange-economy. The ethno-corporatist State must possess the capacity for State-ownership of industries and resource proprietorship in guaranteeing sufficient income to sustain its citizenry’s foreign activities and personal vocational endeavours.
As a result, the ethno-corporatist State must define its legal framework for its economic relations with its citizenry and foreign States, commerce with foreign investors and social dealings with domestic inventors, and the notion of civil society which specifies economic rights and duties and legitimate citizenry relations with foreign economic actors that will be in the economic interest of the State.
Ethno-corporatist development, occurring on State initiative with the government-coordinated activity of Planned-Economy, must feature recurrent sufficient production of goods and services and sufficient capacity for economic resources available for interchange stock-trading with foreign partners in the global economy.
As a result, all output carried out to produce direct use-value to citizenry-consumers, must ascribe to a monetary value to transact with foreign trading partners whose economy is not complementary to a moneyless form of resource accounting. The positive of having State-ownership or proprietorship of the means and mode of production is that it produces more useful-values’ resources for reinvestment in production that can get a good income from stock-trading with foreign partners.
However, it is recognised that the consequence of a State’s inability to accumulate sufficient resources to meet its citizenry provisions and, or foreign stock-trading, can reduce economic growth to sustain itself or an absolute decline in production output, creating a scarce economic resource and mass unemployment. But in the development of the ethno-corporatist system, proprietorship of intellectual properties and franchise of products and services by the State would produce installed productive capacity that institutes permanent resource production of the ethno-corporatist economy for self-sufficiency subsistence.
In examining the manifestation of the proposed ethno-corporatist mode of production in Africa, any exceptions to these main defining criteria would not exclude the defining feature of ethno-corporatism as a non-monetary economy; its legal frameworks that institute free emancipation of the citizenry-society and their economic-equality; its means of production carried out to produce direct use-value of provisions to citizenry-consumers as a whole; its altruist custom that does not foster economic class between the working-group above the non-working-group such as the pensioners, the disabled and those below the working-age group (except for those who chose not to engage in work activities out of their own volition or voluntary cause); its altruist-system which places the legislative power of the State decision-making process in the hands of citizenry-electorates to exercise control over the day-to-day administration of government and the ruling-class, and to exercise voters’ selection of policy over the country economy and decide the direction of the nation within the global matrix, and equally over the rules that govern the activities of both the working-group and non-working-group alike.
The Socio-Economic Structure Of Altruism System
I say, when our governments in Africa seized the golden opportunity to reinstitute our ancient African socio-economic system of altruism to overcome the fetters of economic class in Africa, they would bring order into the socio-economic culture of the proposed ethno-corporatism proposed in this manifesto to flush out the operation of protégism in African society.
The socio-economic conditions of protégism are too quiescent or dormant to manage or comprise the wealth and productive forces opportune to emerge in the proposed ethno-corporatism in Africa. And how should African corporatists purge the condition of protégism from Africa?
On the one hand, through State-ownership of the means of production; by the conquest of bringing into Africa all foreign manufacturing lines of products and services to be produced and consumed on African soil; on the other hand, by establishing a free consumable economy of a non-monetary economy nationally. And by so doing, African States can take full control of its stock-trading in foreign trade on the proposed global exchange-economy in guaranteeing the income to sustain its citizenry’s foreign activities and personal vocational endeavours abroad.
Ethno-corporatism is a modernity defining feature for African-States and concern more with human happiness, healthy-individualism, economic-equality, economic sufficiency and subsistence for the State, excess economic resources, the altruistic position of government officials to serve society rather than furthering their own personal interest, a robust social-system that caters to its citizenry foreign happenings, and efficient social-systems of social control, and more.
The modernity defining feature of the 18th century, with which the western capitalists deposed their feudalism to history, which now turned against western capitalism itself by the modern defining feature of the economic-internetisation drives the emerging global corporatism in our current 21st century generation. Ethno-corporatism, therefore, is African modernity defining feature turning against protégism and its abandonment to history in Africa.
The proposed socio-economic structure of the altruist-system emphasises, in particular, the relevancy of State-ownership of the means of production, the existence of interchange stock-trading relations in the global economy, and resource production of useful-values to carry out to produce direct resource-interchange for workers to gain their use-values of goods and services they need, wants, and desire for both their economic survival and that of the citizenry collectively.
Corposense, which is the resource of useful-value from the contribution of labour by workers, in this context, I defined as a condition of collective-individualistic engagement to foster economic-equality, collectivism and altruism between people in society. This definition emphasised that economic-equality cannot exist except within an altruist relationship between the working-group and the non-working group, between the citizenry-electorates who are the State decision-making body and the working-group who are the workers.
There is so much to be thankful for, for the proposed ethno-corporatism in the history of Africa, though. Even though western-built capitalism did not spread to Africa, we’ve learned how capitalists invented industrial machines and laid the foundation for the computer-technology industry that brought dethronement to itself. Capitalism also kick-started the revolutionary working-class wage payee labour-force economic culture globally, and with a collective consciousness that provided their proletariat working-group to acts in collective solidarity against the socio-economic system of feudalism; that stripped the aristocratic elites of their practice of economic class used to exercise control over the peasants and serfs bonded labour-force in western societies.
Now, our African generation has the grace of the emergence of the global corporatist economic platform and its economic-internetisation of goods and services. Yes, Africans are ready to begin to forge an ethno-corporatist form of all African States into a single national body, to raise the African economy to be independent and empower its resource capacity for economic self-sufficiency subsistence in the global matrix.
I say we are ready to stand up against being continually silenced either way to put up with protégism economic relations. We are ready to appropriate the condition of the global corporatist economy to build the African ethno-corporatist society free from the capitalist appropriation of the monetary system. We are ready to build our African economic system favourable to the world economy through international trade. We are ready to do away with all vestigial protégist relations and its Protective-group in favour of the emerging corporatist relations and its Promotional-group. We are ready.
This manifesto can though be applied to any country, but its economic and social argument and discourse have been mainly from Africans’ point of view and directly on the experiences of Africans. The fate of the ethno-corporatist system relies on the proposed future integration of the computer-technology industry to be the defining feature and driving force of other industries in the African economy. The evolution and increasing adaptation of computer-intelligence automation that first began by replacing human-labour as a secondary useful resource in the workplace had accelerated the collapse of capitalism and emerged corporatism in its stead.
Modern businesses have converted their laptops and computers in their bedrooms and little offices and workshops into great production factories of the industrial global corporatism. Masses of employees crowded into offices around the world; they organised themselves to their work computers like global corporatist e-marketeers. Still identifying their labour as employees of the industrial capitalist, they subject themselves to the condition of the working-class labourer with the purpose to commit to work at certain times without variations all year round. Not only are they slaving away their corporatist life in such working conditions, but they are slaves to the remaining vestigial of the capitalists-class, and also slaves to the political authority keeping the deposed capitalists fat from the toil of human worth in a global corporatist society; and are daily and hourly enslaved by the computer they must attend to at every set working hours of every day, and, most of all, enslaved by the individual capitalists business owner.
I say anyone in our 21st century generation who had to work and toil on a set time every working day without a break from work or even to adjust their individual time as they so wish, is ignoble to the essence of ennoblement that lay in our current generation global corporatist society. The emergence of the proposed ethno-corporatism in Africa will ultimately lead to the collapse of protégism. I say, Africans, we are ready!
Ethno-corporatism will not subject us to the folly of regular work patterns, or to work on a condition of being used like chattel property, to deny ourselves of restrictive individual freedoms, to expose one to the feeling of misery rather than well-being, to feel free and happier only during leisure time and feel physically exhausted and mentally debased at work.
The more openly against the culture of class system, the better the bureaucratic work efficiency of capitalism would stifle, and the better workers will begin to satisfy their needs of freedom and happiness, joy and purpose in life. And then, all will have experienced this well-being and hail victory that the last vestiges of the capitalist work-ethics had demolished. With computerised automation and artificial-intelligence, work patterns will not mean to be regular, but to be varied and dictated to by the individual workers themselves.
The socio-economic structural coupling in ethno-corporatist social-systems is homogeneous, in the sense that, economic human personal troubles will be understood in terms of social issues. As an example, the institution of banking is a government agency, and its functions and responsibilities to the individual will be present at every level of an ethno-corporatist society.
Ethno-corporatist banking is a social-service institution, more than that in fact. Before expatiating on the banking operation, we must never forget that ethno-corporatism operates a non-monetary economy. That is to say, at the national level, no money exchanges hands for anything attached to economic goods and service provisions in an ethno-corporatist society. The banking, therefore, reflects the altruist-system that operates the State’s economic-insurance to issue foreign currencies only for citizens’ international travel endeavours, such as tourism, education or training, visiting friends and family abroad, and more.
As a working-age in an ethno-corporatist society, the benefit of engaging in work activity far outweighs the benefit of not working. The system will only provide necessities to people certified as able to work but chose not to engage in work activity, and their right of entitlement to this basic-living stock quota to meet their basic needs such as food, housing and toiletries, would hardly provide anything more. The working-group will have access to all goods and services to meet their direct use-values as they so desire, including prioritising to meet the threshold for foreign travel for any purpose in equal measures, and the benefits continue to apply throughout their pension age.
The non-monetary system will be beneficial for Africans and for the African national economy in many ways. In particular, the achievement of having all existing global manufacturing economic industries in Africa only for Africans use-values, not only will increase the productive capacity of Africans to become concentrated in greater numbers on their various economic interests and conditions where poverty or scarce economic resources will be non-existent, but will also contribute to the progress of healthy-individualism and social and economic-equality across the social-systems in the proposed ethno-corporatist society of all African States.
The socio-economic structure of the altruist-system is a citizenry-based institution which brings citizenry together to practice the principle of prioritising the goals of their collectives in conformity with the interest of the individuals or personal desires; to focus on community interests and draw out benefits from what is favourable to the self-interests that meets the needs and desires of the individuals from within the collective group in society; to subscribing to the socialistic doctrine of collective-individualism of African people collectively, and exercising citizenry collective control over the decision-making of the government under the Legislative administration of the citizenry-electorates to making decisions that foster equality conditions for the benefit of all.
The theory of the altruist-system makes a note in particular that the will of citizenry collectively is omnipotent, and that citizenry-electorates behave under the populocratic influence of norms, roles, and responsibility towards their collective groups to define the unit of value favourable to their society. This view emphasised that the needs and goals of State-government must be subordinate to the decisions made by citizenry-electorates on affairs of the State. The cultural pattern of the altruist-system is in equal balance with the theory of collectivism on the one hand, and the theory of populocracy on the other; both of which hold that collective-individualism of associations where individuals define themselves as aspects of groups and not individualistic aspects; to securing the common-good for the well-being, economic-equality, and social justice for all.
CHAPTER FIVE
THE STATE GOVERNING SYSTEM OF AFRICAN CORPORATISM
Global economic-internetisation is obstinately determined to push ethical directives of global corporatism centre stage, dominating the means of economic production and means of social interactions, and of the emphasis of the role of corporate culture for determining social harmony and collectivist culture and social solidarity beyond regional boundaries or race towards equalism relations. Global economic-internetisation has corporatised the human population, resolved material factors – such as inspiring equality of economic wealth and imposed altruism upon the exercise of class system, thus resulting in concentrated influence in the hands of the many (the citizenry) and not in the hands of the few (the ruling-class).
The consequence of this was what I see as the emergence of a new ethical system of governing principles impressing upon our conscience in our current 21st century human generation. The ethical system of political governing principles is proving conflicting with managing and regulating the social and economic system of corporatism. This is so in Africa where politics remain occupied by people who are often authorities on systems of social control they have no expertise or academic prowess regarding, just as it is everywhere in the world where a political system is a governing structure; and, as seen around us, politicians must seek experts’ advice to influence or dictate the direction of their decision-making on things they know little or nothing about.
They tell us that the study of politics is the art and science of state-governing. But it is now, I regret to say, ill-equipped and inadequate to progress Africa to economic recovery in the current global corporatist age. Politics, however, was created and designed for the management and regulations of the economic system of capitalism, and as a matter of course and necessity, we should abandon it in its entirety to history in any society wishing to conform to the ethics of equalism, altruism and the generational etiquettes of our global corporatist revolution.
Everywhere we looked, though, we see this current generation mastering the culture of altruism and the promotion of equalism, not only of how global internetisation is operating a successful global corporatist society but also of how the millennials generation – of my generation, cares more about equality between the genders, diversity between the races, and inclusivity of all everywhere and anywhere. The consequence of a generation that behaves in a collective altruistic sense to foster equality relations on all things about the human element, for a suitable condition of corporatist State governing system – a model of the proposed African ethno-corporatist society, is the recognition of an ethical system of governing principle I can only identify, and call: Govox-Populi.
I coined the word ‘Govox-Populi‘ from the word ‘government‘ and ‘Vox-Populi‘. The word ‘government’ literally means ‘to direct and control the policy and affairs of a country or organisation‘ and; the word Vox Populi originates from Latin and means ‘voice of people‘, which translates to mean ‘public opinion’ or ‘decision-making of the people in English. Both words combined ‘Government’ and ‘Vox Populi’ make the English word Govox-Populi (which means ‘government voice of the governed people’), which I defined simply as ‘the State’s legislative administration of government by citizenry-electorates’.
Therefore, I proposed the term ‘Govox-populi’ to show and to describe an altruist-class ethics of govern-mentality; one whose characteristic quality or practice shows a commissioning regulatory system where the citizenry-electorates are the State’s Legislative power-holder in control of every decision-making exercise by the State-officials on behalf of the government.
Govox-Populi, therefore, is an art and science of governing an association of socio-economic interests of a society on the line of altruistic corporate proprietorship, with a coalition of government State-officials and citizenry-electorates in the socio-economic management and affairs of the State and social affairs of citizenry.
The governing administration of every State’s government is in the business of regulating and managing the socio-economic affairs of their State’s citizenry. The Legislative Administration of Govox-Populi defines the transforming structure of State government in accord with our current 21st century generation populocratic culture that is the driving force of the global corporatist society; whereby, the citizenry-electorates are the primary support service-arm of the State legislature – occupy by the Citizenry-Committee, headed by the Citizenry-Prime Minister who oversees the activities of State-officials and citizenry-electorates collectively within the Govox-Populi Legislative Administration of government.
The history of African philosophy, manifesting in our traditional cultured way of life since pre-historic times, instigating progressive social change from the African intelligentsia, beginning with the identity of the African negroid as the first recorded history of the existence of humans on the planet, culminating into Africa’s place in history as evidence of the early human occupation, and Africans first recorded contribution to the world civilisation recorded from Pharaonic Egypt since recorded history began, led to angry questions about our current state of affairs and reactions out of which this manifesto emerged in the form of ideological theorising to re-ethno corporatised African society to reclaim the glory of our past ancient culture of altruism.
Govoxically, though, the ideology of State government to govern by govox-populi in this proposed African model of ethno-corporatist society is not a revolt against the modern-day government by politics, even though it is not at all still clear to me whether what we have in Africa was politics. But whatever it is or identified with, the theory of govox-populi is a retreat from it; a retreat originating from the modern time to dethrone the colonially built protégé-society that is attracting our vexed frustrations against poverty and economic disenchantment that has disenfranchised African economy from participating as equal trading partners in the global economy. At its broadest definition, govox-populi is the characteristic quality of government by commissioning.
We know a State-government by the governing system it appropriate and the Legislative, Judiciary and Executive power vested in its constitutional arm of government: Politics belong to a class of a governing system that appropriate ‘authoritative-power’ of class system that allocates State-power in the hands of government officials in control of affairs of the State and over its citizenry social affairs, and thus befitting of a ‘government for the people, while govox-populi appropriate ‘collective-power’ of altruist-system that allocates the State legislative-power in the hands of citizenry-electorates in control of State-officials administrative exercise over the management of the economy and affairs of the State, and thus befitting of a ‘government of the people’.
Ideologically, though, I claim that the concept of ‘government by the people’ belongs to a society of classless system with no government, and I cannot advocate for such a society because it is not practicable to succeed in our generation. We recognised its practicality in the early human society we call primitive-communism, and I believe that the altruist-system advocated in this manifesto will pave the material condition for such a classless system of ‘government by the people’ to be possible in our human future generation far away from our own, to which I identified as the only socio-economic system capable of deposing global corporatism. And, as we shall see, govox-populi is the most representative model of the State organisation of the government by the people, where citizenry-electorates are part of the government and directly administer their society’ State’s Legislative power for the administrative performance of government and the socio-economic affairs of society.
A State-official in a govox-populi government is a govoxier. And the governing system of govox-populi is distinct from the governing system of Imperialism in African Ancient-society that inspired it, and from which the form of altruist-system’s ideology I appropriated in conformity with it. Govox-Populi is a system of State-government that has not yet existed in the history of human society, especially with its specific allocation of the State’s legislative power in the hands of the citizenry-electorates where govoxiers merely act primarily in an information-delivery capacity and implementation of policy.
The citizenry-electorates make state-centred decisions in the control of the altruist provisions of economic products and services under a moneyless form of resource accounting. They prescribe guidelines and regulations that guide the roles and official duties of State-officials, the economy and the laws of the State.
The consequence of having to concentrate total control of State legislative power in the hands of the citizenry-electorates, in centralising to equalised material factors of the economy and social affairs of a society in control by the governed people, is what I call: Govoxical-Decentralisation of regional citizens to govern their own affairs and future of their regional communities.
Govoxical-Decentralisation is an ad hoc codes-of-ethics that regulates the regulatory conduct of govox-populi government administration’s rules-of-engagement that governs how govoxiers must govern regional communities. The supervisory-division over the govox-populi administrative-division of government comes under the incumbency occupied by the Head-Of-State who can also act in the judicial capacity as one of party of what I call: StateLords.
African StateLords are life-peers, and the proposed Constitution devolved the Executive-branch and Legislative-branch of government to the Administrative-Arm of government and maintains the Judicial-branch of government to the StateLords – now the Supervisory-Arm of government.
The Administrative-Arm of government come under the incumbency of the office of the Secretary-of-State; who, owing to the codes of ethics of govoxical-decentralisation devolved the Legislative-branch of government to the citizenry-electorates and the working-group – the primary support service-arm of the Legislative Assembly, whose activities are overseen by the Legislative Administrative Committees, headed by the office of the Citizenry-Prime Minister and Economy-Prime Minister respectively. Both of whose role is to convey the administration of laws as made by the citizenry-electorates and the citizenry working-group in direct control of every decision-making of government on affairs of the State and the economy at the proposed StateLords Assembly.
And, owing to the proposed African corporatist governing codes-of-ethics, the Economy-branch of government we proposed to maintain a separate power of the State and administration of government – to administer the affairs of the corporatist’s regulatory moneyless trade-off in the exchange of products and services in the interest of the State and citizenry-society. As a result, the govox-populi government comes under the State Administration of the aforementioned four Branches, and is designed to hold checks and balances over one another:
The first branch of government is the Judicial-branch and is occupied by a party of StateLords – comprising a single head of state-judiciary from each African 55 Member State which represents all States on the African continent. Govoxical-decentralisation maintains the Judiciary-Arms of government to the office of the StateLords in the day-to-day supervision of the administration of government.
The StateLords occupy the Supervisory-Arm of government with a specific duty to advise, and stimulate, explains to interprets laws, leads to improve the order of government and guides the Administrative-Arm of government in its implementation performance exercises. The Supervisory-Arm can only judge to make sure the Administrative-Arm is conforming to the Laws and Constitution of the State as devolved to it to administer but has no influence over the day-to-day operation of the Administration of government.
The StateLords are evaluators and overseers of the laws submitted to it to ratify and administratively passed to it by the Administrative-Arm. The Supervisory-Arm, which the StateLords occupy, determines whether proposals and policies set to operate in the affairs of the State comply with the govoxical-decentralisation Constitution as laid down at inception.
The Judicial-Assembly occupation of the Supervisory-Arms of government means that the StateLords have the power of judicial reviews to rule for and against laws and whether a directive from the Administrative-Arm of government is constitutional or unconstitutional. If they deem anything not permitted under the Constitution, they have the power to set aside any proposal for a law passed by the Legislative or any decision taken by the Executive or the Economy-Assembly – not to take effect in the interests of the State.
But, whilst the Executive-branch, which is the head of the Administrative-Arm of government, cannot bring such laws overriding the judicial-verdict, the Legislative-Assembly have the power to change laws as its primary service-arm deems fit, and the Economy-Assembly does not have any power to act but to carry the ratified decision of the Executive decisions or the sanctity of the StateLords judgements out as enforced on it by the Executive-Assembly.
The second branch of government is the Executive-branch, whose role we vested in the Secretary-Of-State, who also acts as the head of the govox-populi Administrative-Arm of government. The Secretary-of-State has the responsibility for implementing and enforcing the judiciary interpretation of laws as prescribed by the StateLords and appoints its Secretariats to be Ambassadors of the Executive-branch who are each head of each Ministry.
The Secretary-of-State has no power not to implement the judicial rulings by the StateLords. There are directives in the Constitution that allows the Secretary-Of-State to veto or rejects a proposal for policy to be ratified into law, or a decision from any of either the Legislative-branch or the Economy-branch to pass to the judiciary for ratification if it expresses disapproval to such a proposal to be an abuse-of-process or for whatever reason. The Constitution also empowers the Citizenry-branch of government to have more influence to change, abolish, or make laws that can constrain the office of the Secretary-of-State to its obedience, or any other branch of government, as the primary service-arm of the Legislative-Assembly deems fit.
The third branch of government’s power is the Legislative-branch, which comes under the incumbency of the office of the Citizenry-Prime-Minister of the African States, who acts as head of all its citizenry-appointed regional Citizenry-Legislative-Committee and comprises citizenry-centred regional commissioners acting as part of the Legislative-Assembly.
The citizenry-electorates are the primary service-arm of the citizenry-legislative Assembly. The Citizenry-Prime Minister implements the laws enforced on it by the Secretary-of-State who is the head of the Executive-branch of government, and also the head of government. The Citizenry-branch of government is thus responsible for making sure the Judiciary and Economic decisions got implemented by the citizenry collectively (most of which are originally proposed by any of the two Legislative-Assembly). The citizenry-legislative Assembly is also responsible for enforcing the directives submitted to it by its primary service-arm occupies by the citizenry-electorates.
The fourth branch of government – the economy commission of government- is the consequence of the ethno-corporatist system of the State’s government administration. We vested the power of the Economy-branch of government in the office’s incumbency of the Economy-prime Minister of the African States, to act as head of all Economic-Unionists and the citizenry working-group.
The Economy-Prime Minister implements and enforces the economic directives enforce on it by the Secretary-of-State – who is the Executive-branch of government and also the head of government – and is thus responsible for making sure the Legislative and Judiciary directives got implemented and carried out by the working-group (as originally prescribed and proposed to it by the Legislative-Assembly).
The Economy-Prime Minister appoints its citizens Economy-Unionists as part of the Economic-branch of government – who are representatives from each African labour industry; such as the trade-owners, vocational corporatists, manufacturers, franchisees, service-providers, e-marketeers, stockists, influencers, and more – comprises representatives of those who control the modes of economic productions for the office of the StateLords – who owns the means of production. The economy-legislative is also responsible for enforcing the directives submitted to it by its primary service-arm occupies by the citizenry working-group.
As shown, the office of StateLords is part of the govox-populi government and occupies the Supervisory-Arm of government, but it is not part of the day-to-day administration of government – the Administrative-Arm of government. The Secretariats, the Citizenry-Committee, and the Economists are representatives of the administration of government and thus occupy the Administrative-Arm of government – and they, including the StateLords, are all govoxiers in a govox-populi government.
Govox-Populi is the proposed State’s governing system for regulating an ethno-corporatist society, with non-monetary economic interests at the national law, populocratic laws and interdependent governing principles, and is operationally and ethically designed to unite all 55 African States into a single national body, and to make the appearance as 55 StateLords, with no warring governing parties or non-partisanship with antagonising ideologies on matters of the economy and social affairs of the citizenry, and with one national class interests where the major decision-makers are one party of citizenry-electorates.
The Governing Principle of Govox-Populi
To be a govoxier is to have not only a purely personal intuition but a professional task-orientation of humanitarian ethics in the necessities of the job, and to regulate how individuals conduct their social and economic interests. Govoxical activity is governmental and corporate ethics of responsibility between the govoxiers and every individual member of society. As it will become clear, the governmental structure of govox-populi relies upon the engaged participation of citizenry-electorates and their working-group on affairs of the State.
I say, when the collective conscience of our African society got completely enveloped by the spirit of ethno-corporatism, to stamp out class and every exploitative economic relation, at that moment our individualism we would have borne out of the social solidarity based on group-based altruism and regards to both the individual citizens’ populocratic right with the collectives in African society.
Govoxical activity is, therefore, not for individual State-officials to make their own rules outside citizenry-prescribed guidelines; it is a social-contract to regulate the conduct of individuals within the collectives in their economic and social affairs in society; with a particular administrative operation to meet their regional population economic needs and against social injustice within their community; to protect, to serve and to provide opportunities for progress for the common-good of all.
When, therefore, individuals express different interests or opinions, or govoxical points of view, where the govoxical prescribed laws and regulations from the citizenry prescribed guidelines cannot reflect the interests of all members of society from within the diverse to conform to a singular opinion or interests, the govoxiers would arbitrate as an independent broker, to appropriate their office persuasive-power to consider all conflicting demands made on it by different groups’ populocratic views. From this govoxical perspective, ‘Compromise’ between two or more opposing views is an essential feature of a govox-populi government.
The theory of govox-populi is the claim that ‘Compromise’ to resolve conflicts between opposing views provides belonging to the African collective custom of altruism, derived from our ancient African socialist morale of populocratic culture. This requires govoxiers to work in an information-delivery capacity with their audience when citizens express extreme populocratic beliefs in their opinion and interests.
Govoxiers would train in people management to express their persuasive-power with facts and evidence whose truths can easily prove to substantiate the evidence, clear and determined, in conformity with the Regulatory-guidelines as prescribed by the Legislative-branch of government and ratified by the Judiciary of the StateLords – that citizens are obliged to conform to their own prescribed rules-of-conducts they select to govern their affairs in an ethno-corporatist society.
In my exploration of the Regulatory-guidelines that govern the office of the govoxiers, I see the govoxiers; the StateLords, the Secretariats, the Citizenry-committee, the Economists, and other commissioning staffs working in government, as having no bureaucratic or prerogative power over the citizenry-society they govern in their regulatory exercise or management of the affairs of the State in an ethno-corporatist society.
The theory of ethno-corporatism supports the claim that a govoxical system of government is appropriate and governed under the populocratic principle, and that takes into account the socio-economic interests and needs of individual citizens within the collectives in an ethno-corporatist State, thus conforms to the proposed principle of an altruist-system in all spheres of the socio-economic life in African society.
The evidence this theory advanced I based upon an attempt to show that the theory of populocracy reflects a compromise in a social-contract between citizens, between govoxiers and citizens, and between government regulatory powers over the various sectional interests in society. The theory of govox-populi, therefore, concentrates upon the first principle of a social-contract: ‘Compromise’ within every decision-making of citizenry-electorates in the proposed African ethno-corporatist society.
The above conclusion poses fundamental questions about the populocratic method of enforcing compliance with the decisions taken by the citizenry-electorates and enacts into laws to regulate the affairs of citizenry-society collectively, particularly in which some individual citizens in their social or economic engagement with others in society can breach their own laws they imposed on government bodies to regulate, contrary to the valued-consensus of their regional collectives where they habituate. The populocratic method of enforcing compliance, therefore, concentrates upon the first-principle of govox-populi: Regulatory-guidelines in enforcing valued-consensus in African society.
We see, then: govoxical interests and populocratic principle in an ethno-corporatist society are both necessary to nurturing the social-contract between citizenry and govoxiers in bare existence as a valued-consensus. What, therefore, the populocratic consensus of participatory citizenry-electorates appropriates with their wishes and decisions merely suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence in the Regulatory-guidelines of the govoxiers responsible for regulating compliance of citizenry imposed laws they introduce to govern their own society, of all to the exception of none, for the citizenry to conform to their own valued-consensus they proposed and asked the StateLords to enact into law to maintaining Regulatory Order in their own society.
I do not intend to sway from this basic populocratic appropriation of the Regulatory-guidelines of govox-populi, an appropriation essential to further the collective goals and the common-good of African society, and that leaves no requirement wherewith to introduce an authoritarian or autocratic type of power to command the compliance of ethno-corporatist citizenry-society.
All that we must do away with, is the conflicting character of ‘Power’ appropriation under which political government apply as a democratic tool to sway the wishes of the citizenry in the affairs of their own society, and appropriate with impunity in so far as the interests of the ruling-class require it. I say, authoritarian-power hinders progress and opportunities for collective-individualism to foster in any society, and we must rid of power-class in human society everywhere.
In government by politics, political-power is but a means to exercise autonomy over the citizenry society, where the embodiment of society laws prevail in their historical development to protect the bare existence of government power in the exercise of enforcing compliance of citizenry democratic conducts in all spheres of social life in a political governing society.
As a result, Protective-group became instituted to defend the interests of the exercise of the political power of government. The police-force, prison system, the Judicial-branch of government in fact, including the Legislative and the Executive-branch of government; combined and concentrated into the hands of a single individual – the sole office of the political head-of-government – such as the incumbency office of the president or the prime-minister.
In government by govox-populi, Regulatory-guidelines are but a means to widen, educate, enrich, to promote the existence of the freedom of individual citizens. As a result, Promotional-group regulates the populocratic cause of citizenry rather than guarding the interests of govoxical rules and regulations of government. As a result, the term ‘Lawder’ is the name I identified as the office of those commissioned to be responsible for the maintenance of public order and individual safety in an ethno-corporatist society.
The word “Lawder” I derived from the word “Law” and “Orderly” meaning “Law-Orderly”. Those combined make the English word ‘Lawder’ literally means ‘Order of the law’: of one who is responsible for the maintenance of order in a specified place. Lawder, I defined as a duty of maintaining law and order or discharged by a prescribed code-of-conduct of a group or society.
Lawder, I proposed in this manifesto, is one of the Promotional-group for the govox-populi governing structure in the proposed African ethno-corporatist society, with a particular duty to provide basic social services and to regulate individuals’ social conducts to conforming to their own citizenry prescribed law, as the means to preventing, detecting and investigating anti-social behaviours and criminal activities.
The institution of Lawder will be to replace the position of the current institution of Police-force in African society and make them responsible for public order and its regulatory activities in accordance with the citizenry-prescribed state-laws and is necessary in a populocratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well-being of the country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others in African society.
There is also the Redeem-system – the rehabilitation camp or community purpose to redeem anti-social behaviour back to society. The Redeem institution will be to replace the Prison institution in the proposed African ethno-corporatist society. There is also the Palaver-system, which is the proposed African citizenry-centred judicial body which hears and decides on legal cases between people.
The proposed Palaver-system – a system with a humanitarian shared heritage in African ancient society, will be to replace the institution of the Justice-system we have in Africa. The palaver-house is the courtroom or building in which such body meets to settle one’s fuss or grievances against another; the term ‘go to the palaver-house’ means to take legal action; and ‘out of palaver’ means without a hearing or legal case; ‘to pay palaver to’ means to give flattering attention to or to proffer to gain the love of or favourable attention of another.
As shown, the govoxical system of government itself need not prescribe laws for society; rather the Legislative-Assembly – the citizenry-branch of government, will be responsible for co-ordinating citizenry-electorates to proposed State-laws and regulatory-guidelines to regulate the conduct of the populocratic principles of government and citizenry-society in an ethno-corporatist society. As a result, Promotional-group requires the participatory commitment of Citizenry-branch of government to the populocratic Cause, and to make valued-consensus decisions enforceable in their regulatory duty to citizenry society.
In political-society, it has been impossible for everyone to have the means to achieve economic goals in a monetary economy, thus the pressure to succeed leads to a deviant acts in some people, to sustain their livelihood or lifestyle. And the only solutions for the political principle to resolve issues of socio-economic crimes as we are experiencing them in western societies were to build more prisons and increase prison sentences for offenders. Whereas, prison strips human nature of its support system and causes prisoners to develop mental health issues, which in turn made it even more difficult for those without a comprehensive support system in place after their release from prison custody to fail to become adjusted to normal life in their society.
Thus, many people re-offend because they are responding to the breaking down of the ‘mental-self’ in their time in prison custody, and people going back to prison multiple times is the invisible aim and goals that add-up to a crucial part of the dysfunctionality of politics! And rightly so, the breaking down of the political ‘self’ in government, political practices or politricking, and the institution of totalitarian prisons has already been aimed at as unethical in the 21st century, and to replace it with functioning institutions that will promote the emerging global corporatist Cause.
I should emphasise that ‘by breaking down’ I meant, under the proposed African ethno-corporatist conditions of the breaking down of protégism Protective-group, of the illusion of democracy, and the abolition of prisons and its institution of politics and of police; as a result, African society would draw closer together in the spirit of collectivism and would eventually arrive at the revolutionary orderly with global corporatism; to installing the proposed govox-populi system of government and its Promotional-group.
I say, if prisons and police institutions disappear today, the political power of government disappears also. This talk about political power in government and all the other ‘utopia talk’ of our ethno-corporatist society, about the no requirement to recruit political-power in government in Africa, have an argument, also, against all autocratic type of power, as we had suffered by it in the fettered African slaves of the Chattel-era; and also have no compromise when compared with the proposed theory of ethno-corporatism, with the abolition of all nature of the domineering power of government over their citizens; in agreement with the installations of govox-populi conditions of government, and of the State governing role of govoxier existence itself.
I say, do not be horrified at our generation’s desire to do away with political-power in government. Power exerts performance rather than possessed, anyway. But in the existing society government by politics, their authoritative-power has no more traction against civilians’ never-ending cause to protests and revolts against the oppression of political power, and political power can only exert the protective force of the police and the military against the civilians they purports to govern.
Power of any kind can only be measured by its results, for when political principles lack the capacity of the process by which socio-economic crimes can be prevented from developing in more radical directions, which often threatened society’s safety to make such radical decisions to not only increase prison sentences, but to increase prison spaces and build more prisons which as a result caused the prison population to continues to increase, and consequently to over-imprison human population in society, basically.
Everywhere we looked, we see prisons remain over-populated. But, when we looked more closely, we found it was the populations that were being over-imprisoned based on some inconclusive or made-up evidence against some accused persons and coupled with presumed crime rates statistics as well.
Such failure to know who has the legislative-power to determine what decisions to make to resolve society’s social problems is lacking in political societies, thus proving the point that the activities of politics represent the interests of the minority ruling-class and not of the majority citizenry population at large. When we make decisions that ignore resolving social problems such as socio-economic crimes, prison population, homelessness, re-offending rates and so on, we consequently failed to exercise power for those sectional groups of people in society. In political societies, the power to do what is socially progressive for citizenry-society is lacking.
Ethno-corporatism intends to do away with the Legislative-power prescribed by government officials, the political condition for whose failure to know who has the power to determine what decisions to make to resolve social problems in society, is the existence of the non-existence of any regulatory-power in political principles to govern society, without creating more social conflicts with sole decision-making that indirectly ignores the citizenry-electorates to be responsible for their society decision-making to resolving their own caused social problems.
Ethno-corporatism intends to electrify global corporatism to do away with the political system of government and its Protective-group everywhere – precisely so, that is just what it intends. From the day when society can no longer be governed into a police state, illusion of democracy, and bureaucratic laws, into a political power capable of being monopolised, i.e., from the day when citizenry-electorates can no longer be restricted into non-decision making on affairs of the State that affects them personally at every various stage of the government decision-making process, into endemic miscarriages of justice of the law, from that day, you say, power-class vanishes.
You must, therefore, confess that by ‘power-class’ you mean no more domineering-power in government; no more government prescribing our citizenry Legislative-power; no government monopolising State-power over the citizenry-society they governed; that no more ruling-class monopolising government power to advance their own self-prescribed social justice and economic Cause over their citizenry-society.
This power-class must be abolished from society and made impossible to exist ever again for eternity in human society. Ethno-corporatism has no need of political-power to enforce compliance of citizenry-society; because all that power-class does is foster the condition that stifled society, of the power to subjugate, or better put, slave human population with such appropriation.
Also, we heard of such objection that upon the complete abolition of capitalism and the emergence of global corporatism, the capacity of computer artificial-intelligence technology would reduce the availability of work and creates mass redundant of the working-age population unable to find meaningful work, if any. In other words, global corporatism would create rapid massive unavailability of work for a large proportion of our human population. Precisely so, that is just what ethno-corporatism intends for Africans – for universal laziness to descend in African society.
There is nothing wrong in seeking sheer idleness; the contemplative life, as Oscar Wilde tells us, the life that has for its aim ‘not-doing’ but ‘being’, and ‘not-being’ merely, but ‘becoming’ – that is what the spirit of ethno-corporatism can give us. ‘The gods live thus’; as Aristotle tells us; ‘either brooding over our own perfection’ or, as Epicurus lamented, ‘watching with the calm eyes of the spectator the tragicomedy of the world that we have made!’ I asked though, is such a mode of life a crisis?
I say, Nay, African corporatists’ labour-force is not one to stave off the coming revolution in Africa that promises to increase our human happiness and eradicate poverty. It is not such an extraordinarily revolutionary idea to increase the working-age to say age-20 and decrease the pension-age to say age-40. Who says the gods are dead? And, overwhelming though it may sound, I cannot help saying that such people deserve their leisure, to live off the State with pleasure, for the rest of their days in liberty.
A large population of indigenous African people had been through sheer idleness of poverty for too long; for most Africans who strive to earn a living from the land earn so little to sustain them till the next payday, if there will be any. And those who are rich somehow are too rich to a point where we hardly see what it was they really do for a living.
Another tautology that pricks my tickles: is the assumption made on the basis that the African human population stands at 1.3 billion heads makes it more challenging to sustain itself out of poverty. All objections urged against African human capacity of producing and appropriating computer-technology instruments from its social spheres to its economic sustainability for self-sufficiency subsistence, have, in the same way, in the 1980s directed against Corporatists’ modes of producing and appropriating computer intellectual products as a realistic alternative to Capitalism.
Just as, to this African proposed ethno-corporatism, the disappearance of economic class in society is the disappearance of class-culture itself, so the disappearance of power-class in government is the best route to human society’s social development and freedom, with free-minds and conscience to involve oneself in the decision-making processes in government that affect one personally and its collective group at large.
That power-class, the loss of it which politicians dread, is, for the African governed people, a response against the lack of effective participation and integration in the everyday decision-making of the political ruling-class government on issues that shapes society and affects the lives of individual citizens in society.
Why should we attempt to resist the positive progress ethno-corporatism speaks, for our intended abolition of political power-class; against the standard of their democratic notion of individual freedom and human rights, bureaucratic laws, is but a perpetuating mechanism that keeps the freedom of our ordinary citizenship imprisoned in that world akin to the ‘Plato’s Allegory of the Cave’.
Democracy ideologies are but the outgrowth of the conditions of capitalism economic class and political power-class, just as our understanding heretofore is but the visible world of our African society ‘realm of becoming’; of experience where the world our past generations once knew was imperfect and now rapidly changing in ours – a change, whose essential character and directions is freeing our 21st century generation from the world of conjecture and illusion to the existence of our proposed ethno-corporatist society that encompasses all that is best in African society.
The self-willed misconception that induces anti-corporatists’ opposition to this ethno-corporatist revolutionary ideal and of the ultimate truth of our circumstances and reality of things, the sense of complacency springing from their reaction to change and of what is new – historical social progress that rise and disappear in the culture of tyranny – this misconception they inherited from a version of history different from our own. What we were told about western ancient history that occasionally causes the certain lifting of our eyebrows, what historical point of view about the Chattel-era and the Colonial-era admits to – that causes us to reflect on the rapidity with which social conditions can suddenly change. I say we are the evidence of the imperfect and changeable social conditions of our everyday experience from our historical social conditions in human society in the world.
Abolition of the prison! Even the most liberal will express scepticism at this ethno-corporatist and govoxical views that favour populocratic reform of the offender and social progress. On what foundation is the present institution of prison can justify its existence, I asked humbly? – On deterrence of committing crimes or on the punishment of the offender, or both?
In reality, prison exists only to exercise the tyrannical practice of the power to punish the human soul – its punishment comprised deprivation of liberty – the restriction of movement and loss of rights – of a strict regime that controls every aspect of one’s day-to-day activities with intensive-power of control and physical coercion. But this state of intensive-power of control finds its complement in the practical application of physical coercion that merely regulates the mental discipline of the prisoner to control their practical behaviours and not logical ones.
The prison practices of intensive-power of control and intentions were to reform the offender rather than suffer in actuality, does the exact opposite of what it intends; for it suffers the individual soul to regulate the mental discipline to control behaviour to a regime, but failed to reform the logical intelligentsia of human offending behaviour. So, I asked the simple question: what’s the point of prison? How does prison serves the interests of society or makes amends to victims of crime even?
Hear me! Ideological-power and charismatic-power that the institution of the Redeem-system in an ethno-corporatist society appropriate as its effective rehabilitation tools to reform offending behaviour is a source of power that can be independent of intensive-power of control.
Mental discipline is an important part of rehabilitation to effect a change in behaviour, but intensive-power of control finds its complement in military-power, thus rested mainly to develop the practical mental skill-sets necessary to be disciplined in one’s day-to-day physical activities; whereas, ideological-power and charismatic-power although are not by definition tied together, their means to end is proven to be directed towards the logical mental skills of knowledge necessary to instil discipline in one’s behavioural rules-of-engagements to impress group-based altruism, and promote the representations of moral-altruism, in fostering an engagement with others to generate reciprocal altruism. All these put together is the State’s fulfilling its nepotistic altruism towards its citizens, with the unconditional love that the spirit of ethno-corporatism acts altruistically towards human nature.
I say, nothing in prison, not even the so-called psychological behavioural courses that social-capitalists introduced are sufficiently effective to reform offending behaviour. They packaged psychological offending behaviour courses in prisons in a way that actually reinforced offending behaviour. Ideological-power and charismatic-power appropriate in govoxical’ Redeem-institution conform in theory to the populocratic principle.
Both methods of power are present in the activities within Redeem operation, and the culminating operation of both forms of power in the rehabilitative course of redeemers will result in a Diffused-Power – one that produces an actual change in human behaviour to its desired effect, based on the Redeem principle of self-evident common interests that exhibits in individuals personality as ‘natural’ or ‘moral’.
The prison practices will vanish as a matter of course when its intensive-power of control vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of the political system of government, its power-class, and its Protective-groups combined.
I say it would be an enduring joy when African corporatists abolish the institution of bureaucracy and its laws enforced on its impersonal organisation procedures. Organised law is a natural ‘outgrowth’ of human society since the ancient-era. Subsequent eras in human society inherited the ancient govern-mentality that generates laws designed to favour the ruling-class and ensure their dominance of State-power in society. From a Marxist perspective, ‘The States are the Law-makers of societies, and they represent the ruling-class’. But, really, how then can we organise the institution of Law to represent the citizenry-society collectively?
I say, African corporatists intend to destroy the most bureaucratic and bias of power in government-citizenry relations in African-society. We intend to replace the political institution of Law with a govoxical institution of citizenry prescribed regulatory-guidelines for citizenry-society and the Administration of government; for, if the Law has any meaning then it lies in the recognition that the moral-sense of politics makes the complexity of the Law to prejudiced against the targeted party when the law-enforcer want it to be, and what and how they want it to be.
The Law, from its political inception in human society, operates to centralise the informal mechanisms of economic self-interests of the ruling-class to dominate and partially prejudice the formal institutions of public duty, with its accompanying interests; and the formal institution of Justice operates increasingly informally.
One could say the Law, as it operates in political societies, operates broken. But, I say, it should not be, and that every Law made to operate under the institution of bureaucracy is prescribed broken already. The Law is not the problem that we need to focus our attention upon; it is the institution of bureaucracy that the Law operates under that needs rightly to have abolished and replaced with a corporatist centred-approach.
And the institution of police justice and court system! Is not that also bureaucratic, and determined by the court’s prosecuting and sentencing conditions under which the Law operates, by the enforcement, direct or indirect, of the police, and by the occupation of state-sponsored prosecutors disguising as defence lawyers. The African corporatists have invented the intervention of lawderly in regulating and intervening citizenry prescribed regulatory-guidelines; they do not enforce but intervene to formalise the character of disputes or fuss raised between parties and to rescue the citizenry-prescribed guidelines from any personal governing of individuals a sense of right and wrong attempting to operate in some adverse effect to their society valued-consensus and moral-altruism.
Political principles clap-trap about prisons and revered its bureaucratic laws, about the hallowed co-relation of the police justice and their court system, becomes all the more terrorising and intimidating, the more, by the existence of power-class; all family ties among the citizens suffer and torn asunder, and children routinely separated from their parents are a common everyday experience in political societies’ prisons’ visit-halls around the world.
As with the ‘poverty trap’ to which the institution of monetary economy subjects every human being in the world, human rights abuses, inflated State expenditures, massive corruption and exploitations of natural resources, infrastructures in disrepair for decades, threats of civil unrest, false imprisonments and falsification of crime evidence against the accused at court trials, civilian unexplained deaths, destruction of social norms. It does not confine any of these features to the developing world but exists universally in the developed ones also. I say the institution of politics keeps society asunder.
But, you govoxiers would indoctrinate your community of women and men, young and old, to regulate your citizenry-society to adopt the corporatist cultured way of life and group-based altruism. The heart of an ethno-corporatist society is the altruistic regulation of its citizenry; by definition, the cornerstone upon which govoxical government functions. It should not be surprising to find that the criminal codes-of-conducts would reflect this basic concern – to reform rather than punish – to keep families together and not to rip them apart; to protect our natural resources from the exploitative antics of the vestiges of global capitalist market-economy, to provide opportunities for healthy-individualism to foster in society and not to burden the human soul with the exercise of intensive-power of control over them, and to commit to the govoxical humanitarian efforts directed towards an altruistic social and economic condition that institute equalism relations in our society.
One sometimes gets the impression that only criminals end up in prison in political societies, and then – ‘wham’ – police States come along with policing motives and thoughts beyond conduct and morality. When such innocent people consequently suffered police prosecution based on opinion-evidence and were forced into the prison system with the stigmatised label as a criminal – a crime – conjured up from ‘hearsay’ and ‘opinions’ and in some bizarre cases no known victim’s allegation or evidence that such offence ever took place.
Those who make the law are those who benefit in a bureaucratic institution; those who break the law are not who get caught in police States and thus sent to prison with the conditions with which the police codes-of-ethics have been indoctrinated to operate and engage with their service-community in society. The politics of imprisoning people have turned into mere instruments of economic production – We know it!
Along with the instruments of economic production, humans as capital are routinely commodities of economic value and objects of trade to and exploited in common and, by chance or coincidence citizens ever-increasingly find themselves in a constant battle with being common to everything and anything capitalists in coalition with politicians can overturn for money. Distracting us from the suspicion that the actual point aimed is to justify and maintains their dominance and the active consent of those over whom politicians exercise governance.
The greed of capitalism has extended its economic dominance into more and more areas of the social life of individuals, including its political culture of imprisoning people, which intertwined with its condition of capitalistic drive for profits, health and medicine, education and science, food and toiletries, and even our body and souls have been put to market for auctions.
There is nothing more imposing than the virtuous indignation of political-principles’ uses of operational autonomy to impose a ‘profit-making logic’ on all the social systems of public duty. Even prison probation services, where there is no direct buying and selling of goods or services by prisoners – its service-users involves, regulate the public duty of rehabilitation on ‘Business-Plan’. Goodness me! Have they not had their fill of our human worth already?
Social systems of public duties have become the subject of privatisation as market-forces in political societies. Should it then be any surprise that the decision to increase prison populations and enforce more intensive-power of control, is the decision to promote integration that results in humans as capital for some vulnerable sectional groups in political societies.
I say the govoxiers need not promote the conduct of human society’s social systems like a business enterprise with profit-seeking logic. In fact, to be clear, we propose to run a non-monetary economy based on the proprietorship of direct use-value as an economic resource. The socio-economic system of ethno-corporatism would run on the policy of promoting equality to all citizens, regardless.
There will be a national provision for the working-age group through the Corporatist Service Providers (CSP- scheme), where the State’s franchisees; such as the vocational corporatists, trade-owners, and stockists of goods and services and the corporatists’ manufacturers of products also belong. The State’s Corporatist-Service-Provider workers, therefore, are also the factory workers, cleaners, healthcare workers, hospitality industry workers, influencers, shop-keepers, business owners, restaurateurs, hairdressers, accountants, lawyers, researchers, market traders, and employees in every industry, and more.
To be clear, CSP-workers are also citizens and are subject to their own working-group prescribed Regulatory-guidelines to regulate their economic industries, to be regulated by the Economy-branch of government and headed by the Economy-Prime-Minister, and to be occupied by the economic-unionists.
The citizenry-electorates are those responsible for their society citizenry prescribed Regulatory-guidelines for the exercise of the Citizenry Legislative-branch of government and decision-making on affairs of the State and headed by the Citizenry-Prime-Minister and occupy by the citizenry-Legislative-committee.
The Executive-branch of government – is headed by the office of the Secretary-of-State (who is also the head of government) and its secretariat-ministers, and occupy by the proposed regional State’s ambassadors, and their commissioning staffs; including the proposed StateLord’s Governors and Councillors and their staffs, are, too, subject to citizenry Legislative functions, to direct and regulates all commissioning government State-officials; are all govoxiers proposed to occupy the proposed Administrative-Arm of government; all under the Supervisory-Arm of government proposed to be the incumbency office of the StateLords – the joint Head-of-States of the proposed United African States.
Socialism in Africa
This socialism in Africa I speak of, this socio-economic system based on citizenry populocratic culture and collective of citizenry control of the economy and affairs of the State, is a retreat from the current protégism culture of money and accumulation of personal wealth concealed in the business of political governance that those who find themselves in the privilege of being part of the party of ruling-class enjoy, at the expense of African citizenry collectively.
Ethno-corporatist society is, in reality, a system of altruist-system in common and thus, at the most, the ethics of citizenry populocratic culture of collective-individualism that I proposed in this manifesto for African-society; for a moneyless form of resource accounting, production carried out to produce direct use-value to citizenry-consumers rather than individuals’ need to accumulate wealth for their economic survival, a robust social-services to financing foreign endeavours of African citizens abroad, is the drive for social welfare, economic-equality and altruistic values for the benefit of all and to the exclusion of no other.
In this proposed African populocratic socialism, under the regulatory government of the govox-populi administration, the fundamental individual and collective rights set out in the proposed ethno-corporatist Constitution, govoxical-decentralisation principles and proposed conventions and protocols for a corporatist governmental structure that relies upon an engaged and participatory citizenry-electorates and their regional working-group on affairs of the State, would make responsible for the provision to foster individual freedom and ability to live and sustain oneself throughout life off the State, even for those who may choose not to engage in works activity out of choice or personal volition to earn a living. This system of populocratic socialism of a community of people with an altruist rule-of-engagement is what I referred to as Ethnosocialism.
The term “Ethnosocialism” is used to denote a collective category of the proposed African govoxical philosophy. The English word “Ethno” is a word-forming element derived from the Greek word ‘Ethnos’ meaning ‘community of people’ or ‘nation’; and the English word “Socialism” originated from the Latin word ‘Sociare’ meaning ‘to combine’ or ‘to share’; both combined make the English word: Ethnosocialism, to meaning ‘a unity of different ethnic groups made up of people with different social identity who share common practices as a value under a single national identity.’
In the frame of reference to ethno-corporatism, ethnosocialism can be defined as a ‘society of people or nation united based on their shared control of government and control of the economy.’ To put it simply, African ethnosocialism is a strand of socio-economic populocracy; the combination of empirical-socialism and traditional structures with customary notions of community tailored to a particular society’s cultural-mores, and values, and it operates in practice as a system of resource-trade-interchange socialism and non-monetary economy.
The proposed theory of African ethnosocialism is an aspect of socialism which differs completely from the 20th century norm in a variety of ways, with ideologies that are incompatible with the political convention with its power-class structure, and thus socially distinctive.
We talk of an economic system such as capitalism, communism, and corporatism, but I say, no economic system would be sufficient for socio-economic provisions of certain rights to all people in human society, such as employment, education, equal necessities, welfare, health-care provisions, social justice, and such, because of their need for monetary economy that fosters class society in our human society.
Economic marginalisation of African-States from the capitalist global market-economy has served only to strengthen our ethnosocialist view and our ethno-corporatist conception of trade-economic relations as a mechanism for resistance against poverty and economic stagnation.
My ethnographic and ethnological focus on ethnosocialism particularly uses the concept of ‘individualism’ and ‘altruism’, and also uses the concepts of ‘collectivism’ and ‘equalism’, extensively. The ethnosocialist concept of collective-individualism is, from theory to practice, that it would deflect attention away from dealing with that ‘sordid necessity for monetary economy’ and focusing our attention to doing more to meet our common altruistic responsibilities in the service to others, and relieve those members of society who particularly are vulnerable and forced to the fringe from the increasing risks of economic exclusion, and therefore means that African States government can concentrate on doing much to help the most disadvantaged and to encompass the reaction to closing the gap between poverty and economic-equality, as a measure to foster individuals desired healthy-individualism, liberty and social equality in society.
African ethnosocialism, I defined as a social and economic system in which individual members of society benefit equally and directly from the means of economic production of their society, on a State provision for the welfare of the individual, for the working-age group, pension-age group, non-working-age group, the sick and the disabled, and more – all in altruist measures.
The economic aspect of ethnosocialism is a system based on State-ownership of the means of economic production, and citizenry control of the modes of production. Its institution includes a non-monetary economy and with consumers’ demand to launch for its production to produce direct use-value to its citizenry-consumers, rather than on the capitalist operation of production carried out to produce spontaneous supply to meet its coincidental demands in a market economy.
This proposed theory of African ethnosocialism, therefore, brought with it the socio-economic equalism and altruism, and thus makes it self-evident that the abolition of the classic form of class system must bring with it the abolition of its capitalist form of socio-economic rationalism in African society; where, no one of working-age, not even women, men or children in their teens would neither need to rely on anybody nor parents nor any other person even, for their economic survival. African ethnosocialism is, thus, a culturalised altruistic ethic that fosters healthy-individualism of both women and men, young and old, equally, in African-society.
The common characteristics of African ethnosocialism are the view that the citizenry body of electorates are the State’s legal legislative power-holder in African ethnosocialist society, and that citizenry-electorates are the State decision-makers on the day-to-day administration of government, the economy and social affairs of the State, and that they have a direct purpose to use their decision-making body to promote healthy-individualism of every member of African society.
The administrative-division of the govoxical government – the secretariats, the economists, and the citizenry-committees – operates according to the altruist principles of populocratic centralism, which place the citizenry-electorates as part of the government body with direct-control over their regional affairs, having a shared-control of the administration of their State government as a collective, and having an influence on the affairs of the African society collectively.
The theory of the ancient African-socialism is in harmony with the non-monetary economy as a permanent feature of ethnosocialism; its morales is conditioned in the humanitarian altruism that advances the ethics of populocratic culture of collective-individualism of all members of African society collectively irrespective of status, gender, culture, religion, race or ethnicity; it advocates a common wealth with other nations where possible, or seek specific trade links with multinational corporations for its society economic self-sufficiency subsistence; it reveres the position of the StateLords as head of African society, and submits to their office Supervisory State role and judicial guidance over the affairs of the Administration of government and society at large; and the multifaceted implementation of ethnosocialist objectives across regional jurisdictions would depends very much on the cultural principles of citizenry-electorates from different regions across Africa.
I say, do not reproach African corporatists with desiring to abolish the concept of Africans as people from different countries with different nationalities. The ancient flame that wakes within Africa is the recognition that we already have the ‘Organisation of African Union’, which has already provided the foundation for the proposed ethno-corporatist unitary form of all African states as One Nation – One nationality and one government.
I say African ethno-corporatist society is one country and one-nationality. We cannot divide the body of the living soul that is still in existence. Since African corporatists must now first achieve the devolution of all African government instruments into one unit under the proposed govox-populi system of government, we are obliged respectfully by our shared sense of collectivism to must rise to be the Unitarian of all African-society, to must populocratically make up Africa as the nation of StateLords; it is herewith the HOMELAND OF AFRICA (HLA), in the theoretical sense of African populocratic culture of collective-individualism.
The divisive-ethics of the Colonial-era in Africa have vanished mostly, owing to our populocratic instinct to see one another as one group of individuals – as Africans, not divided by the prejudice of race, religion or ethnicity. To the global corporatist freedom of economic empowerment, to the Africans’ freedom of economic survival, to the uniformity of all in the corporatist model of economic appropriation, and in the populocratic conditions of ethnosocialism in the life of African citizenry corresponding thenceforth, the supremacy of the African ethno-corporatism will cause the last vestige of the divisive-ethics to vanish still faster. United action with the global corporatism socio-economic revolution operating in full fledges in the global world is one of the first conditions for the successful operations of the ethno-corporatist society in the HomeLand.
In proportion as ethnosocialism put an end to the exploitation of African citizenry-society, owing to our African government’s inherited operation of protégism, so its global corporatists across countries will put an end to the exploitation of one governing nation by another.
In proportion as power-class in human society vanishes, the authoritative-power of politics of one governing nation over another will cease. In proportion as populocracy fosters individual freedom to engage actively in the culture of collective-individualism in African-society; so is the illusion of democracy will end.
There is no charge against global corporatism that can suffice from an economic, social, and from an ideological standpoint that will deserve any serious consideration. It does not require our deep intuitions to comprehend that the computer-technology industry is the leading economic provider of economic-internetisation, automation and information-technology in our modern 21st century generation.
The ideas, views, conceptions and sensitivity, consciousness and intentionality I rendered in this ethno-corporatism manifesto as a new deterministic system of government and economic platform or relations directed to spur on Africans’ reaction, occur from changes with every change in the material conditions of our socio-economic existence in the HomeLand, in our economic relations with other countries in the world, and in our social life within the HomeLand.
I read somewhere about the history of ideas, that it is a progression from one state of understanding to another; to apprehend someone else’s opinion and convert and rise above the original idea into a new form of ideology; that as a result, one state of mind is no longer that of opinion for it has experienced the conversion to new knowledge.
Karl Marx’s ideas in his communism-manifesto first published in 1848, that revolutionary idea that changed the socio-economic landscape and character in western capitalist-societies, provides the premise which informed my intellectual production in this ethno-corporatism manifesto in proportion as material production changed in our generation’s economic platform.
The social and cultural happenings and economic operation of the computer-technology industry on the platform of web-internetisation inspired my idea of ethno-corporatism to drive out protégism from Africa and installed ethno-corporatism in its stead.
It is therefore clear that the theory of ethno-corporatism I put forward in this manifesto makes up an enormous advance on computer-intelligence economic instruments. I broke in deeper into the de facto economicism platform operating in full swing in the global developmental tools of the computer-technology industry, asserting the evolution of ethnosocialism and populocracy as the central theme for the proposed socio-cultural condition of collective-individualism for African society, which is but a theory I put forward in its naked ideal form, but in practice it is achievable and in a far deeper sense than the material world is real.
Also, while agreeing with Karl Marx, when he said: “when people speak of ideas that revolutionise society, they do but express the fact, that within the old society, the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old idea keeps even-pace the dissolution of the old conditions of existence“; this speaks also to the theory of govox-populi I put forward which, within the political system of government I depart from, we can see the elements of govox-populi emerging from it in our current generation everywhere.
When my generation – the millennials – speaks of radical reform of politics and its democracy, we are merely expressing the dissolution of democracy and demanding the emergence of a fresh one. In arriving at the theory of govox-populi – that govoxical ethics of accepting and carrying out our citizenry-electorates decisions imperatively without exercising personal autonomy over the wishes of the people, is an ideology to keep even-pace with the dissolution of democratic and political ethics; political ethics where politicians seeking the advice of experts to aid in their decision-making processes, to exercising their own individual personal autonomy to influence the course of society socio-economic affairs, and such.
I say, let us give the legislative power of decision-making to the people; to make their own decisions on affairs of the State that affect them individually and personally and as a collective group, to seek their own experts’ advice to aid in their voters’ selection of policy and proposals for law and day-to-day operation of government, and to be responsible for the course of their society’s social and economic progress and of its ill. No government in human society anywhere should continue to take responsibility for society’s legislative decision-making in all affairs of the State – this is the message govox-populi speaks.
I did not fall into the position of Karl Marx, whose communism-manifesto directed towards the formation of a working-class party. To Karl Marx, communists do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the working-class movement or the condition of their governing system even. He summed up the theory of the communists to be: the “Abolition of private property ownership by the bourgeois” – the capitalist ruling-class.
But ethno-corporatism advocates a novel form of governing institution – the govox-populi, and the altruist socio-economic system of non-monetary economy and stock-trading economic interchange. Ethno-corporatism acts in contradiction to the political-power of class system. It seeks the abolition of politics, democracy, police institution, prison system, bureaucratic structure of justice in the court-system, the institution of bureaucratic Laws and Order, wage and salary labour, and splintered from the theory of socialism to advocates populocratic form of socialism, and thus fits in the utopia of an altruist-society for all, to the exclusion of no other.
What has this development upended itself to, I was asked? The history of all past and existing systems of government has consisted in the exercise of a class system over the citizenry by their government institutions; a classic form of class system that produces distinct forms of power-class, economic class, and social-class at all preceding epochs in human society.
Class system, in all its forms, is mostly based on economic empowerment over others in society and is defined as being threatened when it decreases. Despite all the multiplicity and variety economic class displays, it moves in the common forms of social-class and power-class. All class system, I claim, will at once vanish when economic class vanishes.
The revolutionary theory of ethno-corporatism is a hard-line of the theory of corporatism, and with the governmental structures of govox-populi and their corporatists’ participants citizenry-electorates both working together to achieve social and economic conditions for the common-good of their society. As it will become clear, the theory of ethno-corporatism is the outermost of all hitherto theories of corporatism.
We have seen that the starting step in the revolution of ethno-corporatist society in the HomeLand will be for the African government to franchise a manufacturing line of products and services on a State Manufacturer Franchise product-licence from anywhere around the world; to have produced and manufactured only for African free consumable economy.
When all African government instruments become devolved to unite as one Nation in the abolition of political-institution and all its accompanying Protective-group, and with the installation of the govox-populi institution and all its accompanying Promotional-group; as a result, we would not only have ousted the protégism dependent socio-economic relations in the HomeLand but would as well create an honest governmental structure, eliminate drive for corruptions, win the battle against poverty and promote the means to which African citizenry can achieve their desired healthy-individualism for happier and fulfilling life.
The citizenry-electorates will use their Legislative power to abolish, by declaration, all political-institutional ethics and do away with all moral-sense of protégism in government, to centralise the Executive instruments of African governments in the hands of the office of the Secretary-of-State, i.e., of the citizens elect as the commissioning representative of their collective interests in the affairs of the HomeLand; and the Secretary-of-State to facilitate the rapid increase in recovery of the economic productive forces as possible to the HomeLand.
At the early transition stage, we might not effectuate this more rapidly enough. But the govox-populi government will have the means to negotiate economic conditions with global corporatists. I recognised, however, that some certain industries would require contracting syndicates of foreign corporatists to run the operations of the modes of franchised productions co-dependently on the ground on African soil, and other industries would better be positioned to be independent of the manufacturer products-licensor to operate on the ground in Africa, and only for the African resource-trade-economy; toward African economic self-sufficiency subsistence.
My deeper thoughts into the computer-intelligence industry in African ethno-corporatist society progress the basic facilities that underpin the conditions of ethnosocialism to implement the conditions for its institutionalised structure; to develop the country infrastructures from the ground up and cause further innovations upon the developing social-order, and spread the good news to other countries all over the world to follow in the African step and entirely impart the revolutionary ideal of corporatist free trade-economy as the most viable and more beneficial form of obtaining excess economic resource to any country anywhere around the world – as we are experiencing it from China at the present – with its promise to increasing human happiness of the world citizenry collectively.
Ethno-corporatism model will be different in measures from state to state because of culture, but its principles and economic productive capacity for economic self-sufficiency subsistence will remain the same. When, in development though, class distinctions have disappeared and all modes of economic production become concentrated in the hands of the State working-group population, the collective consciousness of society will once again gain its humanitarian character like it was in human society before the impositions of class system.
The regulatory mechanisms of the govox-populi governing system would become focused entirely to serve the socio-economic interests of individual citizens only when individuals take part in govoxical participation based on status; that is to say when individuals do not isolate themselves from the populocratic relations instituted in their regional communities and society. Self-isolation of individuals is common in those who desire to live in the wild or live in the community, but take particular delight in not seeking State help and support that may be available to them. This, I say, is the joy of healthy-individualism and individual freedom.
If individual citizens, while engaging actively to progress the conditions of ethno-corporatism in Africa, and by the will of the proposed populocratic culture of collective-individualism of all citizens to organise their villages and townships in the conditions of ethnosocialism. If, by this ethno-corporatist revolution, it achieves its claimed altruist-society in the psyches of the citizenry and has abolished as a matter of course the old systems of class in all its facets in the HomeLand and fosters the conditions of economic-equality, then it will, along with these conditions, have progressed African society from the protégé-society to its ethno-corporatist society in some forms, and will have abolished its government’s old power-class operations over its society citizens.
Global corporatism, with its antagonisms towards class in human society, will reach its desired destination when all trade corporations and manufacturers of economic production and services all around the world form a global universal association and enact a global Corporatist-Union-Code (CUC), to which, to quote Karl Marx, “the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all’.
CHAPTER SIX
CRITICAL UTOPIAN ETHNOSOCIALISM
African economic conditions have advanced through the sordid necessity of living for others, which, in the imposition of class system since the Chattel-era we had been sapped of our human healthy-individualism of character, our collectivist spirits suffered also in the process, and the socialism that was consequently forced upon us the habits to must work for money to earn a living had proved to be not failure merely but ruin to our black power intellects. To paraphrase Oscar Wilde: “We had either to give up to it or give it up. There was no other alternative“. I say, but we had given ourselves up to it and had suffered the grim consequences. And now, I say to my fellow African people, it is time to give it up, here and now, simply.
As a natural result, the claims of monetary economy upon our self-worth, its efforts at forcing upon every African its work-to-pay or pay-to-work labour-class activities, and its exactions at power-class in control of Africans grew more and more unreasonable from the preceding epoch to the next. Its meanest motive at weakening every African worth of their individual productive capacity, its increasing hunger for our natural resources, and its most common passion for gratification at the expense of Africans’ hardship, became its moral-sense by which the portrayal of Africans’ worth everywhere remain guided since, and to which, of necessity, Africans everywhere and anywhere had to fight for equality just for the privilege.
Having made its economic class of our genius at home, our will-power mentally, our intellectual fortune abroad, it relentlessly kept on demanding our servitude, in the selfishness of its inexhaustible greed for our natural resources and labour-power, it is toying with our livelihood and happiness of life also as it had done to our ancestors in its advancement of civilising our ancient-society, from the Chattel-era to the present protégism, it took it all from them and then from us like some kind of its inheritance endowed by right of its mere existence. In fact, every African remain affected by its imposition upon our livelihood – not a single African at all escapes its arrays of conditions of inequality!
Nay, for to have continued the same socio-economic life of protégism would have been wrong and unprogressive, it would have been limiting and hampering our human progress, from always ‘doing’, and not ‘being’. The socio-economic movement of communism had good intentions, but it cannot carry them out to lead to the healthy-individualism we seek in African society.
Likewise, the socialist socio-economic movement has proved to be of some value to us in attempting to restore African society to its proper ancient conditions of existence that can secure us the most essential instruments of economic empowerment that ensures the collective well-being of Africans both within the HomeLand and in the life force of those in the Diasporas.
All hitherto theories of socialism, without the ethno-altruist relations, have continually failed to lead to the healthy-individualism we seek in the HomeLand and are also insufficient to ensure the material well-being of each member of African States in the diaspora.
The theory of socialism, the socio-economic system in which the means of economic production, shared economy in common, under the control of the community of human society collectively, usually through the State; is the concentration toward the social solidarity of the collective that enables individuals to act together in a group more effectively to pursue shared objectives and goals, whilst resolving individual factors such as personal satisfaction and psychological conditions that is extremely demoralising to the individual sense of worth.
This is one factor in the theory of African ethnosocialism I advanced to strategise the theory of socialism to lead to offering individuals their own desired healthy-individualism whilst at the same time remaining focused and motivated on the group goals. Healthy-individualism in African ethnosocialist society is a collectivistic populocratic culture that weighs heavily on meeting the needs and desires of individuals whilst meeting the needs and goals of the collectives in equal proportion.
African ethnosocialism is the socio-economic theory or system in which it benefits individual members of society directly from the means of economic production in their society, on a State provision for the welfare of the individual. It is, undoubtedly, that socialism cannot relieve individual members of socialist society from that mercenary necessity of having to engage in works activity to earn a living, which, in the present condition where computer automation technology is developing rapidly and taking over human labour as a useful resource in the workplace, it is becoming ever more unnecessary to forced labour upon every human body in the proposed ethical constructs of the non-monetary form of resource accounting in African society.
Poverty, that condition of unhealthy and regressive experience that has plagued Africans since the inception of protégé-society – is germinating upon us and scarcely any Africans at all escape. Every generation growing up in Africa are continuously finding themselves surrounded by hideous poverty, by hideous ugliness of living in a disadvantaged society, by hideous starvation resulting from the scarcity of economic resources to afford Africans to live economically fulfilling lives. Inevitably, I call on the African people to strongly react to the insufficient availability of work for African people of working-age to ensure decent and prosperous life for their individual selves. The emotions of every young generation of Africans in every passing decade stirred more quickly towards acquiring self-vocational experience and self-learning, because of the lack of equal opportunities for education and training.
The working-group preoccupied their lives with the pursuit of money. They have found themselves forced to live life by unhealthy and exaggerated ideas of socio-economic inclusion – that the working-group would eventually gain their reward fairly for their labour. A central plank of conventional policies was the claim that a money-economy is a necessity for individuals to avoid poverty if society were to develop and become more successful, for without it the incentives to work would be missing. But, yet, Africans are increasingly finding themselves surrounded by hideous poverty, human evolvement into hideous greed and social exclusions leading to a culture of the phrase: ‘survival of the fittest‘.
We see how money-economy breeds or perpetuates poverty, greed and moral decline. Its efficacy is everywhere we looked, even in robust and successful capitalist-societies all around the world. Vulnerable people in society get involved in prostitution because of their need for money, money-inspired crimes are the largest population in our prisons everywhere, fuelling all the more the corresponding class system of social inequalities.
According to the behavioural-brain science of Psychextrics I am actively involved in developing; we observe our human capacity for rational calculation within the spectrum of the will-power of emotions to a greater degree than the conceived knowledge of morality or the so-called innate power of free-will; and, as apparent in this manifesto, African society will develop and become more successful in a variety of ways and thus foster the desired healthy-individual for Africans, creates economic-equality under non-monetary economy leading to free-labour contribution and free-payment on goods and services, than it is to guarantee been fortunate by chance economically under money-economy.
The proposed Secretariat-Ministry of Labour & Industry is responsible for the ethnosocialist policy of promoting economic-equality of full employment available to all citizens of the working-age group through the national provisions of Corporatist Service Providers (CSP- scheme), as an important means in the ethno-corporatist’ reconstruction of African society towards the non-monetary economy, leading to such a basis that poverty will be impossible.
The govoxical regulation of the working-age, headed by the secretariat-minister of labour & industry, would aim at carrying out the virtues of economic-equality and economic-sufficiency of all working-group in African society. The ambition of this Ministry would also be to reduce the number of working-age groups and continually strategise ways to increase the replacement of human labour-power with computer automation technology. I desire the pension-age to increase in number regularly for as far as we can achieve it to be. The utmost desire of this Ministry is for computer automation technology to do most of the economic labour rather than relying on human labour-power.
I say, the working-group would prevent the horror of poverty that the money economy often realised, so that the non-working-group and those unable to engage in the national labour activity through no faults of their own, or medically certified incompetent to work or disabled would receive our care and support through social welfare provisions.
In our present state of affairs in Africa, the experience of poverty has not only enlightened us on what it is like for the working-group themselves to experience poverty along with the non-working-group, but this experience of poverty has facilitated our understanding of the socio-economic costs involved; and at last, we have had the spectacle of our ancient economic structure defined by the condition of the economic custom of moneyless trade-off on products and services – a time when members of African society who provide free-labour resource production were as a matter of course equally engaged in its free-consumption of their produce.
Under the proposed large-scale corporatist economy at macro-level, we would cater to the economic subsistence of the growing population of the working-age across the HomeLand, people who will take the jobs available to them, who are raising their family and children to live in it, and whose values influenced the concept of folks-altruistic theory in ethnosocialism conveyed in this manifesto. They do so because a considerable proportion of the working-group in the protégé economy receives wages that are so low and insufficient to meet their economic needs. And in an ethno-corporatist society, they are on course to live a life of economic sufficiency and subsistence derived from their free-labour to the State.
The global economic exclusion of African States, exacerbated by the money-economy that perpetuates poverty through inflation, thus causes certain strains on wages and people to become vulnerable to never-ending poverty. We are perfectly right to go ethno-corporatist in Africa as a form of our socio-economic progress because several underlying causes of poverty and economic insufficiencies of the African working-group have been linked to the money-economy.
In African ethno-corporatist society, computer-artificial-intelligence and automation technology would direct the change in work patterns to be so rapid that there can be no certainty that jobs that required human labour-power at one time, or even particular professions, will still exist in the same format in the next future decade or years to come.
Also, we are suffering health inequalities in Africa more than in any other society in the world, coupled with the scarcity of decent housing that exacerbates the occurrence of health problems and poor quality of life. With admirable humanitarian efforts of foreign charities, with misdirected intentions of protégé aid-funds money from the western States donated to our African governments regularly year-on-year, they are seriously and expressively set themselves to relieving Africans of our poverty.
But their reliefs support has not relieved Africans of our poverty since the institution of protégism thrust upon the African States; they merely prolong the socio-economic conditions that kept Africans excluded from the world economy. In fact, the nature of the relief funds effort is part of the problem that is reproducing the development of underdevelopment across the HomeLand.
Socialism of protégism has not been the solution to poverty in Africa, not at all. In fact, it makes it much more difficult to effect terms which determine the socio-economic integration of African society with the rest of the world and hamper our progressive efforts in the global market-economy.
Economic exclusion of African States from the global market-economy is the denial of capitalism that forced the African economy into protégism and the plundering of its natural resources for the benefits and enrichment of the economic resources of foreign capitalist nations.
Therefore, the proper aim of African ethnosocialism is to reconstruct society on such a basis that socio-economic exclusion from the world economy and poverty will be impossible. And the socio-economic systems of socialism itself have not carried out this aim. The many aspects of the theory of African ethnosocialism are in conformity with the theories of the New-Age term that applied to a range of ideas which became prominent in the 1980s.
The common central feature of both the theory of ethnosocialism and the New-Age is a belief in the ‘self’ concept. The belief in the ‘self’; of healthy-individualism; purpose to turn society away from the socio-economic organisation of society in the way of class system, and instead collectivised human society based on global corporatist societies to cooperate and organised in the way of altruist relations to achieve economic-equality, collective responsibilities, cooperation on our shared humanitarian altruism in the collective-individualistic interests that benefits everyone, which would inevitably neutralise every aspect of class and poverty in our generation, here and now.
African ethnosocialism emerged from the failure of any theory or system of socialism that existed as a revolutionary construct in human society heretofore and failed to deliver society members to their desired healthy-individualism that meets our common responsibilities and satisfies our collective goals.
My response to this acknowledged failure of all hitherto socialist practices is to advanced ethnosocialism to stimulate economic-equalism and a culture of altruism in the HomeLand to resolve socio-economic inequalities caused by the condition of monetary system.
My presentation hereupon is the assessment of my continual process of reactions and revisions that drives my ideological progress to introduce the ethnosocialist transforming-structure of epoch-making from our ancient African-socialism to bear on the future direction of our current 21st century generation in African society.
The Ideal Formation of Secretariat-Ministries
The secretariat-Ministries are the proposed HomeLand of African States’ Executive-branch of government, each is headed by a secretariat-minister to oversee the management of the executive sector of each public administration. The Executive employees are called Secretariats, and they are headed by the office of the Secretary-of-State who is also the head of the govox-populi administrative-division of government.
The secretariat-ministries are governmental administrative commission for the execution of public policies for infrastructure, employment and work, education and training, social-services and welfare, and more. Each secretariat-ministry will have responsibilities to propose, administers and regulates policies entrusted to it by law in all that is inherent to the socio-economic relations and societal welfare under the conditions that apply to the duties applicable to each of the secretariat-ministerial office.
Hereto, I identified 14 secretariat-Ministries as a starting step in the development of African ethnosocialism, and govoxical philosophies advocating for the ethno-corporatist system under representative-populocracy. My expression purpose is to show an ideal ethnosocialism that operates in contrast to the present protégé-socialism in African society. My theory of ethnosocialism is highly futuristic, in line with thinking to express Africans’ shared sense of socio-economic progress:
Secretariat-Ministries of the United African States [UAS]
- HomeLand Affairs
- Labour & Industry
- Defence & HomeLand Security
- International Affairs & Trade
- Health & Social Care
- Technology & Science Research
- Media & Communications
- Education & Apprenticeship
- Culture & Tourism
- Environment & Public Health
- Housing & National Works
- Govoxical & Constitutional Affairs
- National Insurance & Multinational Finance
- Transport & Innovation
- HOMELAND AFFAIRS
The HomeLand Affairs Ministry (Sometimes called Ministry of Internal Affairs or Home Affairs, or Interior Affairs Ministry) is the proposed secretariat-ministry of African States, overseer by the secretariat-Minister of HomeLand Affairs, and responsible for the executive operation of local Lord-Offices, emergency management, public administration, identity and social welfare, immigration matters, registration, and lawdership.
The HomeLand secretariat works closely with the Ministry of Housing & National Works in the administration and provision of State-owned properties to the citizenry – both private housing and trade centre buildings directly to citizens for their individual direct use-values. It also works closely with the governmental department of Religion & Philosophies and the department of Govoxical and Constitutional Affairs in the operation and activities of constitutional affairs and propositions. It works closely to stimulate the Ministry of Technology & Science Research in the promotion of automation technology that can reduce administrative burdens and improve the quality and State administrative tasks across the secretariat ministries.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- It provides executive operational directives to local Lord-Offices in each region across Africa.
- Responsible for matters relating to the supervision of local governance of both the offices of Lords-Governors and Lord-Councillors.
- Responsible for the regulation of the conduct of local government elections, and citizenry legislative voting process in the HomeLand and ensuring transparency of decision-making of citizenry and integrity of the State in creating a more open and positive govoxical structure dependent upon an engaged and participatory citizenry-electorates.
- Responsible for the general regulation of State-officials about their duties and disciplines as commissioners to State duty.
Emergency management
- Responsible for the provisions and maintenance of this public service.
- Public safety, work safety, and disaster relief.
- Fire and emergency rescue services.
State Administration
- Responsible for the organisation and functioning of the State offices, the State-officials’ employee-system, and the administrative management of the public administration portfolio.
- Promotion of flexible workplace relations policies and practices directed to reduce administrative burdens and improve the quality of State administration.
Identity, Registration and Social Welfare
- Responsible for the registration of birth, death, marriages and civil partnerships.
- Responsible for economic Provision-Security for those below the working-age group and those with Total Permanent disability with incapacity to work.
- Increasing capabilities and opportunities for the disabled, youth, and women with care-for children; and organisation of events in cooperation with the Ministry of Labour and Industry for new hires.
- Regulations of social welfare programs to those not named on the national labour provision-security register, provision of provisioned-security for the disabled and economic provision-services for refugees.
- Implementation of research programs on demographics, welfare and social protection, and enhancing citizenry legislative cooperation in this sphere.
- The organisation of rehabilitation programs for the disabled, welfare for the disabled with personal well-being and social mobility.
- Regulation over enforcement of laws securing welfare protection, labour relations, workplace hygiene, migration, etc.
- Responsible for coroners; to carry out inquests into the manner or cause of death within the jurisdiction of the HomeLand, and to investigate or confirm the identity of an unknown person found dead within the HomeLand.
Immigration matters
- Responsible for demographics and promoting the official languages.
- Responsible for border management, visas and immigration matters.
- Responsible for the promotion and implementation of citizenry-prescribed immigration policy applicable to each region across Africa.
Lawderly
- Handling the national lawderly and the management of Redeem institutions.
- Lawdership, internal security, and related matters are the responsibilities of HomeLand Affairs.
- Priorities are to rehabilitate and redeem crime perpetrators and promote the law.
- The Palaver function is to adjudicate legal disputes between parties and carry out the administration of justice under the citizenry Legislative prescribed Codes-of-Conducts for citizenry-society in the HomeLand. The palaver’s role is to determine disputes in the form of cases brought before them.
- The lawderly help promote the constitutional rights of citizenry collectively to equal protection and due process under the law.
- LABOUR & INDUSTRY
The Ministry of Labour and Industry is the secretariat department responsible for licencing the nation’s trade and industry to the citizenry trade-owners and manufacturers, and regulate labour resource-interchange trading and setting national labour standards, such as the working-age limit and pension-age limit, useful resource of labour requirement and participation, apprenticeship training and economic Provision-Security for the working-age group and pension-age group.
We propose this Ministry has the responsibility to protect and safeguard the interest of both the working-group and the pension-group. The Administrative Order we proposed for this Ministry charged it with the responsibility for industrial services and workplace relations, business registration and deregulation from practice, and job services allocation of workers to industries and workplaces. This Ministry works closely with the Ministry of International Affairs & Trade and the Ministry of Home-Land Affairs, and they reported to one another.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- Employment policies, industrial relations, occupational training, including employment allocation services of workers.
- Pension life-long activity programs for people above the working-age group.
- Workplace relations policy development to protect and safeguard the interest of workers and human resource development, advocacy and implementation.
- Promotion of flexible workplace relations policies and practices, including workplace productivity.
- Coordination of useful resources of labour research that favours the increase of automation technology in the workplace and decrements of human labour-power.
- Occupational health and safety provisions, rehabilitation facilities and aftercare services.
- Equal work-task opportunity solutions.
- Work training and family programs for the working-group.
- Trade-ownership franchise business policy and programs between the State and citizens.
- Ensuring social protection, protection of rights and favourable conditions for the working-group at all trades and firms, offices and organisations.
- Organisation and proposal of State policies in the industry, provision-security to the working-group and pension group in equal measures, demographics and migrations sector and enforcement of these policies within the laws and norms of citizenry prescribed legislature.
- Legal registration of workers-unions and their occupational rights.
- To integrate remote areas of the country into the national economy.
- DEFENCE & HOMELAND SECURITY
The Ministry of Defence & HomeLand Security is responsible for National Law Enforcement in Africa, the HomeLand Security Service, and the Multinational Intelligence Service of the StateLords of HomeLand of Africa.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
National Law Enforcement
- Responsible for the lead against organised crime; human weapons, beliefs of terrorism, and trafficking; cybercrime; and economic crime that goes across regional and international borders.
- To work closely with the department of lawderly and the department of immigration across African regions in their shared responsibility to investigate any crime and disorderly and strategised roles in which to analyse how criminal activities are operating and how they can disrupt their operations.
HomeLand Security Service
- Responsible for counter-intelligence and security services at the national level, such as counter-terrorism, counter-proliferation, and providing intelligence to support cyber-security.
- To support the National Law Enforcement in their work against serious crime.
- Tasked with the duty to protect HomeLand security and the economic well-being of Africa.
- It is part of the intelligence machinery alongside the Multinational Intelligence Service.
Multinational Intelligence Service
- Responsible for the covert multinational collection and analysis of intelligence to support the HomeLand national security.
- Seek to work closely with other nations’ intelligence services to achieve our shared objectives towards the common-good, such as counter-terrorism, counter-proliferation, and supporting stability overseas to disrupt terrorism and other criminal activities.
- Works with multinational intelligence gatherings to protect and safeguard Africans’ populocratic interests.
- INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS & TRADE
The Ministry of International Affairs & Trade is managed by an appointed Secretariat-Minister, who ensures the mandate of this ministry. We say the appointment of a secretariat-ambassador in each African-States is necessary to ensure the implementation of policies under the ministerial portfolios. The particular functions of this ministry also extend to the particular functions of two other Ministries: the Ministry of Labour & Industry at the national level and the Ministry of Multinational Finance also operates at the international level with this Ministry.
The Ministry is the main facilitator of economic trade relations to Africa, between the African government and multinational corporations and other foreign manufacturers. The Ministry is also responsible for facilitating the proposed State Manufacturer Franchise trading agreement relationship with manufacturers of products, foreign investors and inventors, and intellectual-properties proprietorship from anywhere in the world. It is also responsible for working with foreign governments to promote productive alliances and coalitions with African governments to work together to achieve the social and economic conditions that benefit us all.
This secretariat-ministry we say should concern its duties with the significance of changes in the United African States’ relationship and roles with other countries, and to ensuring industrial trade information to the StateLords Assembly. This Ministry will relay information to the citizenry-electorates through the Govoxical Information System. This system is a media outreach in the form of social-media platforms, newspaper articles, and radio and television news presentations. Because it is responsible for foreign trade technical areas as the Ministry of International Trade, it would portray open and wholeheartedly enthusiastic advocates of global Corporatist Interlinked Economy (GCIE), and thus its views would form the convenient premise that determines the strengths of its relationship with particular trading partners or potential ones.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- A major role of the Ministry is to facilitate the early development and franchise of all major foreign industries to African free-consumable economy as State-owned, and for the State to act as the Master-Franchise to all industries and trade in Africa, and to oversee the licencing of every line of trade and industry and mergers to citizenry trade-owners and manufacturers of goods and services that will be regulated by the Ministry of Labour and Industry.
- Another major aim of the ministry will be to strengthen and widen the HomeLand’s industrial base under the facilitating mechanism of the Ministry of Multinational Finance; to increase efforts to expand domestic manufacturing interests for economic self-sufficiency subsistence in Africa.
- It manages to trade and the facilitation of industries to Africa within the State’s centralised Planned-Economy, and provides the Ministry of Industry with administrative guidance and other direction, on modernisation, technology, and trade-ready for the Ministry of Multinational Finance that seeks investments prospects with foreign trading partners, both new and existing one.
- Acting as a secretariat to the department of Industry and department of HomeLand Affairs, and the other overall administration and coordination of all operations falling under the Ministry of International Affairs & Trade portfolio.
- Direction and policy proposal formulation to the StateLords Assembly.
- Operation of the International Trading Scheme and trade resource security.
- This ministry is responsible for the management and conservation of Africa’s natural resources.
- With active efforts to curb post-protégism inflation and promote corporatism’s negflation and provide government collaboration with international trading partners and promotion of industrial activity on the ground in Africa.
- Responsible for areas of all exports and imports in and out of Africa, including foreign investments in Africa in the production of useful resources for the common-good and shared resources with foreign trading partners.
- This Ministry serves as an architect of national industrial policy and a regulator of African government industries overseas.
- The Ministry has the utmost desire to promote new and growing domestic industries and the need to maintain a free stock-interchange trade-economy with foreign trading partners.
- Responsible for encouraging and facilitating significant investments to Africa from foreign countries that benefit and sustain the African economy.
- Responsible for buying licenses in foreign markets, and the Ministry of Multinational Finance centrally monitored its worldwide activities and will be supervised by the office of the Secretary-of-State.
- Engaging in contract-manufacturing – seeking from foreign manufacturers existing in a foreign country to facilitate the production of their products in Africa under the State Manufacturer Franchise Scheme.
- To facilitate the opening of manufacturing facilities or industrial operations in Africa under the control of the Ministry of Labour and Industry.
- Engaging in international trade and explorations of new products to Africa and creating foreign trading offices across the world.
In our global world today, the monetary economy has become increasingly significant in tight-controls of States’ regional borders, especially between poorer nations with no productive capitalist economy in operation, as well as in successful capitalist economic regions where an economic resource is in excess and products and services are cheap and in surplus supply above demands. In particular, America, Canada, Australia, United-Kingdom, and European Union countries, China, Hong-Kong, Taiwan, and a few others, have formed a global interlinked economy, with open doors for rapidly developing countries to join with certain ‘strict’ criteria. The trade-ethics of capitalism used to form their interlinked economic relations institutes ‘free-trading’ economic agreements and interlinked borders where checks of goods at their national borders have become increasingly unnecessary.
Whereas, the model of capitalism of States-to-States interlinked economy that criss-crosses freely and openly between national boundaries creates a global economic class system that pushed African states and many others around the world towards the status of developing or third world countries with scarce economic resources and demands of products and services above supply, and thus expensive to afford for our African citizenry-consumers.
Whilst capitalist interlinked economic member States can exercise joint control over prices and quality of products to their citizenry-consumers, this is impossible in Africa; even though Africans are aware that economic products and services they are getting in Africa are sub-standards, it is pointless to look abroad for something better because it remains monetarily unaffordable. We cannot insist upon improvements either, because of the scarcity of economic resources to do so independently. This has marginalised the African economy towards the status of declining industries with no capacity or sufficient economic resources to compete in the global capitalist market-economy.
In the proposed global corporatist interlinked economy, corporations and manufacturers of products, with their nation-States’ governments; we proposed the formation of a ‘Transnational Economic Agreement’ (TEA), with open memberships to any manufacturers of economic products from anywhere around the world who purpose to market their products and services transnational, beyond the product first originating national boundary. The new control manufacturers of economic products and services can now have, under the proposed global TEA regulations over their products, will become paralleled by the supervisory control State governments can now have over effective regulations of their national economy. It would no longer be difficult for any State governments to protect their domestic industries from the proposed global exchange economic interchange, and become more productive to promote goods and services under a stock-interchange trade-economy between States.
As a result, it would become far easier for State governments to prevent certain products deemed substandard from their country as opposed to going into the trouble of imposing higher tariff barriers designed to prevent imports, which often encourage corruption and loopholes. Not that the African States would need to impose tariffs, not at all, because we operate on the economic condition of non-monetary at the national level. But we would be in the regulatory capacity to protect our domestic industries or goods and services from global interchange-trading if trade conditions require it or prevent sub-standard products from the African stock economy. As a result, Africans can demand access to the best goods produced anywhere in the world and facilitated by the Secretariat Ministry of International Affairs & Trade.
African ethno-corporatist economy would have its economic wealth produced through manufacturing, create jobs under CSP-scheme and regulated by the secretariat Ministry of Labour & Industry, and open up stock-interchange trading to the African economy through this secretariat-Ministry, be they domestic industries originating in Africa, foreign franchised manufacturing companies under the proposed TEA or multinational corporations operating under a separate investment scheme in Africa.
- HEALTH & SOCIAL CARE
The Ministry of Health and Social Care is responsible for the delivery of healthcare and the implementation of government policy on health and adult social care matters in Africa. It oversees the proposed HomeLand Healthcare Provision (HHP). The Ministry, led by the secretariat for Health and Social Care, would work closely with the secretariat HomeLand Affairs ministry in its implementation of healthcare policies and promoting policies and guidelines to improve the quality of care to patients and to meet citizenry-electorates expectations.
We proposed for this department to carry out its work as the national healthcare provider across Africa as the HHP Africa – the HomeLand Department of Health and Social Care Provider. The Ministry of Technology and Science Research would be tasked with carrying out specialist assessments, licencing and regulating medicines and medical devices for ensuring they work and are acceptably safe.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- Oversees the HHP Africa, commissioned specialised healthcare services and primary care services, and oversees clinical commissioning groups through the Ministry of International Affairs and Trade.
- To ensure that medicines and medical devices work and are acceptably safe.
- The HHP it will oversee will be responsible for delivering healthcare provision to the citizenry, through prevention and awareness-raising and protection and infection control.
- Responsible for ensuring sufficient high-quality training is available to develop the healthcare workforce in collaboration with the Ministry of Labour & Industry.
- Has the primary function of inspecting providers of health and adult social care in Africa and ensuring that they meet essential standards of safety and patients’ quality expectations.
- Provides statistical information to the Govoxical Information System and informatics support to the citizenry Legislative process through submission to the StateLords Assembly on health and social care matters.
- Have a vested interest to protect and promote the interests of patients and the public in health research at the proposed Medical Research Service.
- Tasked with leading the fight against HHP fraud and corruption, in a close working relationship with the Ministry of Labour and Industry, and other ministries.
- To regularly stir the Ministry of Technology and Science Research to develop and sought to modernise the HHP through introducing IT, technological devices and artificial-intelligence to reduce administrative burdens and improve the quality and provision of healthcare administrative tasks across the HomeLand.
- TECHNOLOGY & SCIENCE RESEARCH
The Ministry of Technology and Science Research is a governmental body that directs the regulation of government policies related to the implementation and growth of technology and scientific research across the HomeLand. Although the Ministry works in collaboration with the Ministry of Education, however, an institute of higher education does not come under the purview of this ministry.
The technological wares and science research we proposed to develop under this governmental department would be from identifying, planning, facilitating and organising technology and scientific research that is developing anywhere in the world to be present in Africa and available for Africans’ free-consumable economy. One such arrangement would be a multi-source management agreement between the Ministry of International Affairs and Trade and Technological Divisions and The Innovation Institute from anywhere in the world. The technologies and research under this department would direct the administrative desk works of all other ministries and contribute to the development of infrastructures across the HomeLand.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- Tasked with providing digital technology to African trades establishments and citizenry direct use-values, including providing digital services to African government departments.
- Responsible for the coordination of science and technology-related projects across the HomeLand.
- To plan policies and projects in the fields of science and technology to support Africans’ development.
- To undertake policy research projects and be responsible for specialist and technology assessments, feasibilities and technical studies, licencing and regulating technology and approved devices for African industries.
- The proposed Medical Research Service (MRS) is tasked to oversee and regulate the use of human tissue in research and treatments across Africa; it also will be involved in in-vitro fertilization, artificial insemination and the storage of human eggs, sperm or embryos, and regulates human embryo research; it is responsible for the supply of blood, organs, tissues and stem cells – their donation, storage and transportation; it advises and directs on treatment procedures for the provision and assessments of healthcare for the HHP practitioners and healthcare providers; and more.
- Providing e-infrastructure for delivery of e-services for industries, such as the promotion of electronics hardware manufacturing and artificial-intelligence, enabling the creation of innovation, providing support for the development of e-skills and knowledge networks, securing African cyber-space, promoting the use of ICT for more inclusive growth.
- Promote the development of indigenous technology and undertake technology development up to trade-interchange economy for the Ministry of International Affairs and Trade.
- Promote, assist and, where appropriate, undertake scientific and technological research and development in areas identified as vital to the country’s trade-economy development.
- Develop and maintain an information system and databank on science and technology for the useful value of educational institutions overseen by the Ministry of Education and Apprenticeship.
- To work closely with the Ministry of Labour and Industry in developing and implementing programs for strengthening scientific and technological capabilities through human resource corposense training, infrastructure and institution-building for the Ministry of Education and Apprenticeship.
- Promote citizenry consciousness of the importance and benefits of science and technology.
- To plan and adopt a comprehensive HomeLand Science and Technology Plan for all African industries to meet the ideal of an ethno-corporatist society, and responsible for monitoring and coordinating human resources and implementations.
Under certain conditions, the proposed governmental department for Technology & Science Research in Africa would vigorously and persistently to advanced the computer-technology industry to have a direct impact on the social and economic organisations of African-society. The future of computer-technology is to reduce the need for human labour power in the workplace and automate work to such an extent to which mass human labour-power would no longer be necessary to operate in as many economic industries as practicably possible, so Africans can focus their life in just ‘being’ and enjoying cultivated leisure to amuse ourselves towards ‘becoming’ the life desirable to the individual to achieving healthy-individualism. The drive of this ministry would be to give computer-intelligence most of the determining role in each of the other secretariat ministries and industries across Africa.
- MEDIA & COMMUNICATION
The Ministry of Media and Communication is the secretariat department charged with communication. It regulates newspaper broadcasting and print media industry, telecommunications, social media industry, postal services, radio and television broadcasting.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- To fulfil the ethno-corporatist ideal in the areas of postal services and electronic communications– to improve the quality of communication service and coordinate activities in the areas of posts and electronic communications.
- It functions on the HomeLand communication network and works closely with the Ministry of Technology & Science Research to provide support to the development of electronic services for citizenry-consumers and for the State infrastructure.
- Responsible for matters relating to broadcasting services, news, information and entertainment media.
- Responsible for regulating press freedom and ethics.
- Film-making and development of the film industry.
- Responsible for the management of government records; and the day-to-day operation of the Govoxical Information System – this is the proposed government publicity, such as printing, publishing, promotion and official information.
- Implementation of government policy and programs on broadband and other electronic media, postal and telecommunication programs, broadcasting policy on HomeLand policy issues relating to the digital economy, content policy relating to the information economy, etc
- Responsible for communication infrastructure programs across Africa, such as internet service provisions, telecommunications, and the management of the electromagnetic spectrum.
- To integrate remote areas of the country into the national communication network.
- Responsible for the management of information and communication industries development, and electronic proprietorship.
The overall role of the secretariat Ministry of Media & Communication is to inform and spread information more widely to reach Africans both at home and abroad. Introducing more advanced use of artificial-intelligence can better regulate media outlets to be more creative, lay open choices and organise the media and communication industry to increase their mobile computerised workplace.
The concept of mass media in Africa refers to the two sets of basic communication platforms to which we can share and produce information in an official capacity. We have technologies such as television and the internet; and modes of communication such as newspapers and online social-media platforms. Media plays important role in shaping the opinions and positions of people. Under certain conditions and in certain forms of govoxical regulations of this industry by the secretariat, this industry would influence in African younger generation in both academic taste and the collective populocratic culture of altruism.
- EDUCATION & APPRENTICESHIP
The Ministry of Education and Apprenticeship is responsible for the coordination of research policy in areas of State-owned educational training services and governmental apprenticeships for Africans, regardless of age. It has a responsibility to operate a dual education system; whereby combines apprenticeships in a company or industry and vocational education at a vocational school in one course.
This is vital in a society that aspires to reduce its working population, by concentrating multiple tasks in the hands of each work-head. The precise skills and training in one course would benefit students to gain multi-skills through their apprenticeship occupations, such as training in HR Management can also make one qualify in production planning or trade-laws. Likewise, Doctor Assistant can qualify one to be also a Dispensing Optician or Behavioural scientist; an automobile engineer can qualify one as an electrician or any other machinist; one in the construction industry can qualify as a plumber, as well as a welder and, or fabricators, etc
The proposed ethno-corporatist mode of production, of rapid economic and technological change, will require a dual-education system in African society. Students, from as early as aged-16, would advance from theory to practice; from the classrooms to workplace establishments; to train and learn trade-specifics and receive tasks according to their growing abilities as trainees, such as doctors, chefs, engineers, lawyers, researchers, state-officials, authors, education providers, healthcare providers, and all.
We deduced that before students reach the national working-age, we propose to already have them gain multi-skills from a few companies under their national education apprenticeship-contract and qualify to work in multiple industries, so they can individually make a choice which industry and which company suits their healthy-individualism after their dual education time, or whether he or she is able or willing to do the preferred choice of job and not having to found out after reaching the working-age.
As a result, students not only develop under actual working conditions, but receives prime quality vocational training and education; allowing them to not only specialised in a specific trade or preferred job career early on, but maintain the basic education needed to practice and prepared them to enter the national working-age with confidence – as the skilled workforce that will contribute directly to improvements in production and service delivery to the African economy.
We will organise industrial companies and local trades in what I identified and called: Dual-Production establishments; the production of educational traineeship and career upskilling in one course, which will organise the industrial companies to meet production targets and able to train new apprentice students fresh from the classrooms year-on-year in all the required areas of their chosen career.
Since the functions of governmental secretariat-ministries are the regulation of citizenry affairs by citizenry’s prescribed laws, the Economy-Branch of government which oversees the working-group and industrial unionists will remain tasked with the responsibility for implementing new trainees’ regulations in-line with productions – this would institute a shared responsibility standard between all industrial companies or trade establishments and educational institutions across Africa.
Given the robustness of the proposed moneyless form of resource accounting, we set the proposed dual-production to help Africans adapt more quickly to the proposed ethno-corporatist socio-economic transforming structure.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- To promote the dual-education system as the traditional education pathway in Africa.
- To oversee the HomeLand’s education and apprenticeship system.
- To create specialisations through early vocational training programs.
- Responsible for implementing government policy and programs for schools, including vocational education and training in companies and trade establishments.
- To implement government schooling transitions policy and programs including career pathways.
- To regulate government policy and programs on education and apprenticeship.
- Adults’ affairs and re-training programs, including youth’s transitions.
- To be responsible for pre-schools education policy and programs.
- Higher education and university policy, regulation and programs.
- Policy proposal to government coordination and support for African students’ pursuits in international education and research engagement.
- The coordination of research policy to advance the products and services offered in universities.
- Promoting the development of new programs through Govoxical Information System, and technical advances.
- Creation and development of research infrastructures.
- Science awareness programs in schools, such as mandatory learning of STEM subjects at the basic level, that include subjects in the fields of natural-sciences – such as biology, physics, and chemistry; and formal sciences, of which mathematics and computer and information technology science, is an example, along with logic and statistics.
- Research approval and fellowships.
- Skills and vocational education policy regulation and programs.
- Training and skills assessment services, including apprenticeship programs.
- Trade-specific skills for adults seeking a change in profession, and education and training transitions programs.
- Protecting the safety and welfare of students and apprentices.
- Issuing nationally recognised and portable Certificates of Completion to apprentices and educational courses.
- Entities such as the Science Museum and the National Library are under the purview and contribution of this Ministry.
- Assuring that all programs provide prime quality training and produce skilled and competent workers.
Types of Apprenticeships
It is worth mentioning that apprenticeships heretofore are commonly divided into two major categories: Independent Apprenticeships and Cooperative Apprenticeships.
Independent Apprenticeships: are those organised and managed by employers, with no collaborations with any educational institutions. They are exclusively work-based apprenticeships and do not concern their training programs with any school curricula. The certificates of training offered are not associated with any formal educational institutional programs, but are as good as work-based experience only.
Cooperative Apprenticeships: are those organised and managed in collaboration between formal educational institutions and employers. This can either be organised by educational institutions or employers, and their training programs are associated with school curricula. The certificates of training offered are also as well associated with formal educational institutional programs and as good as both work-based experience and formal educational certification.
Here and now, a third category of apprenticeships developed from this proposed theory of ethno-corporatism; I identified and called: Governmental Apprenticeships.
Governmental Apprenticeships: are those organised and managed by the governmental department, in governance over educational institutions and employers. They are dual-production and organisational based; in that, they cover all educational institutions and all industrial sectors in the country and can be used to achieve both educational traineeships up to career upskilling objectives of all, to the exception of no other.
Unlike cooperative apprenticeships that vary in terms of governance between educational institutions and employers, governmental apprenticeships do not share governance and thus govern the operations of both the educational institutions and employers both as a means for studies to put theory into practice, and in its creation of dual-production of human-resource and production that integrates studentship and career-path under one educational curriculum.
We summarise the three principal characteristics of apprenticeships, shown in the diagram below:
Diagram-5
Acquisition of education and academic learning integrated to achieve the direct end-points of career-destinism under one educational curriculum is the provision of direct use-values of human resources to contribute directly to the economic development of a society.
At present, as a consequence of the operation of the poor monetary-system in Africa, people routinely become influenced towards a career-path that pays more in wages than the desire to gain education or learn work-skills that appeals to give one a sense of their desired healthy-individualism.
Everybody is under immense pressure in pursuit of money; not everyone can guarantee to be engaging in the sphere of economic activity that gives them pleasure and complete satisfaction psychologically, as a free individual in control of their own needs and wants and happiness in-between. These are bankers who would rather be an artist, engineering enthusiasts stuck in a dead-end job in the hospitality industry, medical doctors with a passion for a job as a lawyer, a philosopher working as a bricklayer, or an accountant working as a chef, and such.
The proposed dual-education system would prepare our young generation for jobs they desire from the onset, and with opportunity and easy education transition programs available to move between jobs desirable to their individual choices that would not present impossible challenges in terms of skills and affordability. This Ministry is tasked with providing support and advice in all areas of vocational and higher education, and more.
- CULTURE & TOURISM
The Ministry of Culture and Tourism is the governmental department responsible for the areas of tourism, culture, religion, art, cultural property and heritage, protection and preservation of African wildlife, fashion, sports, leisure, cultural exhibitions and African crafts.
It offers a unique intercultural approach to systems of religious beliefs, culture, and philosophical thoughts in Africa. The various ethnic culture in Africa, religions and the rational explications and justifications for philosophical beliefs have all gone hand-in-hand since before recorded history began, as powerful and enduring forces in African societies till this day. This Ministry has responsibility for addressing religious, cultural and philosophical affairs in Africa, and oversees the African Culture Studies Research Centre.
The overall characteristics of the theory of African ethnosocialism are easy to convey concerning the different religions with their diverse ethnic and cultural practices in particular. But it is more than that, more so in fact. The work ethos of this Ministry: of what was at the heart of its existence, what drives it and gives it purpose and meaning in African society, in setting forward a sense of pan-religious identity and a unified corporate cultural values and practices for the current generation of Africans, conforms with the theory of post-modernism that rejects any attempts to produce a narrow theory and practice of human spiritual culture.
From this viewpoint it is towards reconnecting the current generation of African society back to its ancient religious-cultured way of life; of what our ancestors considered being of ultimate significance and value of human existence, that I conditioned to what may appear to be a populocratic utopia society for the various religions and diverse ethnic culture in practice in Africa.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- It is responsible for matters relating to communities, religion, arts and culture, and sports.
- Responsible for the promotion of tourism to Africa.
- Entities such as the National Museums, Sports centres and stadiums, religious centres, and the National Theatre, are under the control and management of this Ministry.
- This Ministry has the responsibility to educate African people and enhance public awareness of its national agenda, through the Govoxical Information System, of the corporate culture of responsibility and group-based altruism to others in African society, to culture the spirit of unity so we can represent equally the various indigenous cultures and religions in operation in Africa, to create a society in which leisure and work are in harmony, and to influence the culture of scientifically minded and creative citizens.
- Responsible for formulating and proposal of policies that improve the quality of life of citizens, such as organising cultural events and activities, sports, and tourism.
- Researching and listing of historical buildings, scheduling and conservation of ancient monuments and artefacts, export licencing of African cultural goods, management and preservation of African Art collection, and repatriations of African primitive and ancient artefacts from abroad.
- Responsible for the official registry of protected historic sites, wildlife and other sites of cultural and tourist attractions.
- Maintaining national archives of cultural work, including public museums, galleries and libraries.
- Management of the proposed StateLord Art Councils, which endorse artists and arts organisations in fellowship.
- Responsible for researching, preserving, developing, and promoting the local cultures and tourist attractions across Africa and its indigenous peoples, in both rural and urban.
- To study, preserve, develop, and promote the cultural wealth and the national tourism attractions of the HomeLand, and to promote the positive images of Africans and the govoxical values of African ethnopublic.
- The maintenance of the land and buildings making up the historic Chattel-era and the Colonial-era Estates under the proposed StateLords Land Act.
- This governmental department also has responsibility for the arrangement and preparations for State ceremonial occasions, such as investitures and funerals of StateLords; Olympics sports legacy, religious festivals, and such like.
- The Ministry Ambassador maintains the National Register of Religions and Philosophical groups. It compiles the mandatory registrations of all religious places of worship and religious communities and is responsible for the allocation of performance or worship of the various religious groups.
- Conducting joint research programs with the Ministry of Education on areas of religion, philosophies, and generational-gap. For example, how the current generation of Africans reflects on and reacts to what they consider a drive in their behaviour and value derived from their philosophies that conflict with their group religious doctrines or their ethnic cultural practice and morality.
- Providing students and tourists with African philosophical thought from primitive and ancient times to the present.
- Coordinating cultural exhibitions, crafts, fashion and sports-related affairs and ensuring cultural and public relations through the government Govoxical Information System.
- Ensuring diplomatic relations with embassies and with religious welfare organisations around the globe through the Ministry of International Affairs.
- Encouraging inter-religious and inter-cultural meetings, dialogues and ceremonies, and raising public awareness on religious and cultural issues across the HomeLand.
- To make Africa one of the top tourist destinations in the world through the continuing development of its tourist attractions, wildlife, cultural museums, and creative arts.
Africans, like any other social people around the world, have fixed structures in culture and arts which reflect our philosophies as belonging to a distinct sense of socialism like others in human society. This secretariat-ministry will focus its govoxical regulation on the Culture and Arts industry, giving recognition to the primitive and ancient African artefacts, and how computerised technology can be utilised in a variety of ways to recreate the realities they convey and describe.
When Africans come to learn of their own ethnic culture and arts in a modern way, then individuals would reposition themselves to the era in which they learn through computerised simulators device that provides visual images of specific conditions to stimulate the emotions or action as our native indigenous and ancestors lived; to understand and give meaning to their cultured way of life that had existed in an era before our own.
This proposed secretariat-Ministry will purpose to institute the social life of tourism and leisure in Africa as separate from other experiences in our entering to an era of computer artificial-intelligence technology; and as a result, the nature of leisure and tourism in Africa would change, in conformity with the views on changes to when the culture of African-finesse meets with its postmodernism.
The distinction between leisure and other areas of social life – for those who engage in work activity, education, or those who do nothing – will become much more distinct for them all. The meaning of leisure will become much clearer and cannot overlap with other areas of social life, because its meanings and specific activities become far more diverse within a separate world of its own. It will associate leisure with mental-escapism and freedom from the constrained areas of day-to-day activities or social life, such as work, education, or just being.
Ethno-corporatism, with computerised artificial-intelligence as its tool, pushes leisure in different directions that inevitably will direct to produce leisure to what cannot be easily achievable or overlaps with other areas of the social life of individuals. The leisure that inevitably placed human senses into excitability and creates stimuli that induce neuron-excitability of hormones-variations that draw attention to particular aspects of human conditions of happiness and the fluttering and spasms of human senses as a charming realm of life satisfaction; would organise the form of leisure subject to govoxical regulation by this secretariat-ministry, and that in a sense would give a sense of purpose and time well-spent for the participants.
In this proposed African postmodern leisure I speak of, people will be likely to seek the physical experience of virtual reality machines, models and representations of things, such as artificial-intelligence hyper-reality and computerised simulations, as an excitable leisure activity. Leisure becomes an escape when it induces feelings of ‘being’ or animated reactive in participants – physically, vocally, or interactively a cause or physical movement on the merit of how one feels about a stimulus or experience.
- ENVIRONMENT & PUBLIC HEALTH
The Ministry of Environment and Public Health is the governmental department concerned with all aspects of the natural and built environments for the benefit of human health. It has a responsibility for assessing and controlling environmental conditions and factors that affect human health.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- To research those aspects of human health and diseases determined by factors in the environment.
- To work closely with the Ministry of Technology and Science Research on areas of environmental health, such as toxicological studies of how human exposures can lead to specific health outcomes, exposure science studies that help prevent human exposure to certain environmental contaminants, observational studies on environmental epidemiological studies towards understanding the exposures that people have already experienced, between environmental exposures to chemicals, radiations or microbiological agents and human health.
- Implementation of government policies on air quality, including both ambient outdoor air and indoor air quality, such as environmental tobacco smoke.
- Regulation of food safety, including agriculture, transportation, food processing, whole-stocks and retail-stock provisions and distributions.
- Responsible for developing and proposing policy on areas of environmental law and regulations targeted towards addressing the effects of human activity on the natural environment.
- To work closely with the Ministry of Technology and Science Research in applying scientific and engineering principles for the protection and prevention of human exposures and effects of human activities and develops environmental engineering as solutions to problems of environmental health issues and general improvement of environmental quality.
- To implement government policies on hazardous materials management, including hazardous waste management, contaminated site remediation, the prevention of leaks from underground storage tanks and the prevention of hazardous materials releases to the environment and responses to emergencies resulting from such releases.
- Responsible for the assessment and control of factors in the environment that might or linked with ill-health in humans, such as the direct pathological effects of chemicals, radiation and some biological agents, and any perceived effects on health and well-being of the broad physical, psychological, social and cultural environment, which includes housing, urban development, land use and transport.
- To implement government policies on public health, such as housing, including substandard housing abatement and the inspection of industrial institutions and State-owned institutions, such as redeemed housing and workplaces and office environments in regulating occupational health and industrial hygiene.
- Responsible for addressing all areas of environmental health, including the physical, chemical, and biological factors external to a person, and all the related factors that influence behaviours.
- Responsible for developing and suggesting policies targeted towards preventing disease and creating health-supportive environments, promoting the improvement of environmental parameters and encouraging the use of environmentally friendly and healthy technologies and behaviours.
- To work closely with the Ministry of Housing and Public Buildings on areas of land use planning, noise pollution and control, safe drinking water, recreational water illness prevention, including from swimming pools, spas and ocean and freshwater bathing places; vector control, including the control of mosquitoes, rodents, flies, cockroaches and other animals that many transmit pathogens; and encourage smart growth.
- Responsible for the management and disposal of liquid waste, including city wastewater treatment plants and on-site wastewater disposal systems, such as septic tank systems and chemical toilets. The Ministry is also responsible for the disposal of medical waste management.
- To address all human health-related aspects of the natural environment; toxic chemical exposure whether in consumer products, housing, workplaces, air, water or soil; and radiological health, including exposure to ionizing radiation from X-rays or radioactive isotopes.
- To be responsible for the management of solid waste management, including landfills, recycling facilities, composting and solid waste transfer stations.
- To work closely with the Ministry of Health and Social Care to diagnose, investigate, and monitor health problems and health hazards in the African community. To monitor the health situation in the population and assess health trends that link with environmental factors.
The overall work ethos of this secretariat-ministry would be the development of computer artificial-intelligence technologies for a good deal of environmental health mapping tools required to achieve the desired results for the proposed interplay between the environment and human health. This Ministry would particularly provide leadership on matters critical to human health and engage in partnerships with other government ministries and international organisations on joint action and programs.
This Ministry has a responsibility to research, policy suggestions and proposals to the government, national coordination on environmental and public health matters, and intervention programs where and when needed.
- HOUSING & NATIONAL WORKS
The Ministry of Housing and National Works is the government department tasked with providing national housing provision, industrial buildings, and urban designs and architecture services to the African citizenry collectively, including their trade centres and industrial establishments.
There is the proposed free provision of national housing and industrial buildings and trade centres to individuals’ leasehold citizenry-occupancy tenure, under which African citizenry collectively have the right of entitlement to housing and trade centre space by this governmental Ministry, in which properties are owned by the State and managed by this Ministry, and one is to live and occupy their allocated property for their direct use-value on the proposed leasehold citizenry-occupancy tenure that ends upon the occupier’s death.
This form of mandatory housing provision is a direct remedy to resolve housing inequality created by the protégé-society. This Ministry is in charge of the proposed ethnosocialist scheme project and is tasked with the responsibility for government building and regeneration projects across Africa.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- It regulates the management and provision of housing and trade centre buildings to citizenry direct use-values and is also responsible for providing office space to African government departments.
- Responsible for the implementation of government policies in areas of building regulations, community cohesion, housing, land planning, urban regeneration and rural preservation.
- Responsible for advising the StateLords Assembly and delivering the government policies on areas of Housing and Urban Development programs. Key priorities include the provision of housing to citizenry collectively, meeting all housing and trade centres provisions, promoting greener homes and environment, and supporting quality urban development and thriving communities.
- Works closely to merge a range of housing policies, resource provisions, and regulatory functions from other government departments, such as the Ministry of Environment and Public Health, Ministry of Labour and Industry and Ministry of Technology.
- Responsible for coordinating the State reconstruction activities and public housing provisions across the HomeLand.
- The housing system, under ethnosocialism, private ownership of properties as an economic means will become wholly unnecessary for citizenry society, in restoring African society to its ancient condition of an altruist-system, and guaranteed to ensure the material shelter and provision of necessities of each member of African society. It will give individual life its basis for stability and personal development to which to grow and progress.
From the collective force of African corporatists, African society will gain much in material prosperity for the sufficient provisions of our social and economic services and welfare for individuals’ shelter and to which to operate our national works. But it is not only the material results that it gains, every individual is an infinitesimal atom of a force that keeps the spirit of ethno-corporatism aflame by their simple engagement with ethnosocialist civilisation in African society.
The economic security of every single African gained from African State-ownership of the means of economic production will not depend, as it does now, on individuals’ accumulation of private ownership of property as an economic means or income stream for one economic survival. The abolition of the institution of private accumulation of property and private lands ownership will be subject to State requisition under the office of the StateLords.
The secretariat-Ministry of Housing and National Works would be responsible for the proposed free housing and trading centres for all African citizens and to the exclusion of no other. There will be no such thing as people living in slums or being made subject to pay-rents in money or labour to afford to be in sheltered accommodation or housing. Each member of African society will share in the general prosperity and economic sufficiency of ethno-corporatism that we proposed to develop in Africa, and in considering housing; there will be no such thing as homelessness in African society.
We will design a housing policy to encourage individuals’ rights to housing provision by the State. The consequence will be that building new social housing must be the norm year-on-year, and allocate homes to individual citizens by right, on the proposed lease-ownership by citizenry-occupancy tenure, to last for the duration of individuals’ lifetime as a living-subject resident in Africa. Free housing for every individual African will be something akin to basic necessity, like the air we breathe in to survive or the food we eat daily, and thus a priority by this housing secretariat office.
Therefore, the provision of state-property, both private homes and industrial buildings and trade centres, are conditions of the appropriation of economic wealth by the State, which thus will form the basis for the development of the proposed society of altruist-system in Africa. In particular, State provisions of buildings for citizens’ direct use-values not only will provide the preconditions for the emergence of humanitarian consciousness, but will also enable the State to distribute equally its resources among citizens across Africa and readily available to citizens to apply to make use of them for their individual private or public purposes, under the regulatory management of the Economy-Prime Minister.
- GOVOXICAL & CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS
The Ministry of Govoxical and Constitutional Affairs represent to symbolise what would otherwise have been the duties of the office of the StateLords’ administrative office as Head-of-States – of the power they would have had if they still hold the Executive power of the State – now under the administrative affairs of the Secretariat-Arm of government. This Ministry represents the Executive separation of the office of the StateLords (the Head-of-States) from the day-to-day Executive administration of government.
We create this Ministry in response to the specific machinery of the govoxical system of government intended to administer the Secretariat-Arm of government responsibilities for govoxical and constitutional affairs, as the Executive-Branch of government. It is the centre for the Executive-branch of government and supports the office of the Secretary-of-State and ensures the efficient running of govoxical government overall. It is the corporate executive headquarters for the commissioning offices of State-officials, the corporate policymaking governmental department for the secretariats, and the advisory management for the office of the Secretary-of-State.
As a result, the Ministry is primarily responsible for proposing reforms to the constitution, and relations with the Citizenry-Arm of government and Economy-Arm of government, and within the Secretariat-Arm of government, it has responsibilities to support all secretariat departments on all areas of laws determining the fundamental govoxical principles of ethnosocialist government administration, implementation, citizenry contingencies, and under the incumbency office of the secretariat-minister for Govoxical and Constitutional Affairs, and supervised by the office of the Secretary-of-State who is the head of government.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- Responsible for the efficiency and order of all governmental departments in their conformity with govoxical principles.
- The Ministry oversees the constitutional arrangements of the Courts or Palaver, the appointment of the judiciary, and all matters relating to the maintenance of law and order and the administration of justice.
- Responsible for issues relating to constitutional policy and submissions of policy proposals to the judicial interpretation by the office of StateLords, issues relating to human rights laws, data protection, and information rights law across the HomeLand.–
- Enforcing and progressing the call for reparations for the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, colonialism, and post-colonialism to take the forms of economic trade relations for African economic development proposed in this manifesto, as the most effective way to eliminate protégism that has been the consequences of the western State imposed Chattel-era and Colonial-era in Africa and upon African people. Trade-economy would be most beneficial to Africans in the form of resource-interchange trading and corposense of western-built intellectual-property proprietorships to be the franchise prerequisites to the HomeLand – to have major economic products and services that are creating the excess economic resource in western States to Africa and to further aid Africans’ economic self-sufficiency subsistence proposed in this manifesto.
- Introducing a statutory register for citizens’ self-styled govoxical associations.
- Introducing govoxical conservative policies and supporting conservative reforming of government.
- Exercising the Executive power of the Secretariat-Arm of government for the StateLords to hold a judicial-review at the StateLords-Assembly, on the alternatives that favour the secretariat’s conservative policies over either of the citizenry’s liberal policies or economists’ labour policies.
- Speeding up implementation of judiciary-enacted laws and regulations made by the StateLords at the StateLords-Assembly.
- Coordinate the delivery of the Secretary-of-State’s priority via other secretariat government departments.
- Responsible for developing constitutional proposals to the StateLords-Assembly for and on behalf of the secretariat government departments.
- Supporting the govox-populi government, helping other branches of government to ensure the effective development, coordination and implementation of policies.
- Promoting efficiency and implementation across the offices of State-officials across government through better procurement and project management, transforming the delivery of services, and improving the capability of the commissioning duties of State-officials.
- Maintains the union of the govox-populi government in sustaining a flourishing populocracy within and beyond government.
The overall ethos of this Ministry is to support the principle of collective responsibility within the secretariat government departments, in that; the key purpose of this Ministry is to relieve the administrative burden on the office of the Secretary-of-State by dealing with constitutional matters administratively, and responsible for advising the office of the Secretary-of-State on what to regard as relevant to advanced to the StateLords-Assembly, and what is irrelevant or to set aside.
Even though a proposal from any of the secretariats’ offices may never reach the StateLords-Assembly for debate and approval for ratification and implementation, this Ministry will fully consider it. It is worth mentioning that any decision taken by this Ministry must have had it issued its last decision by the office of the Secretary-of-State on the matter. In this sense, the ultimate judgement of the office of the Secretary-of-State is the authoritative responsibility that binds the Secretariat-Arm of government to accept responsibility for the success or failure of the eventual decisions taken.
By this Ministry, we propose it would introduce a computer social networking site that reflects the govox-populi government. Citizens throughout Africa will access as their communication portal to which to contribute ideas and raise issues about particular areas of the govox-populi government’s work. Anybody from all works of life in African society could subscribe to each of the govoxical conferences; to contribute ideas to the conference or take ideas from it. We also design the Ministry to conduct social research and development and to encourage citizenry innovations in the development of new government policies complimentary toward the proposed society of altruism-system.
The proposed social media networking platform will help create an official culture of intelligentsia discussions between government and citizens, to sharing academic knowledge, research, and information between different levels of social life.
- NATIONAL INSURANCE & MULTINATIONAL FINANCE
The Ministry of National-Insurance and Multinational-Finance is in response to the specific machinery of the African ethno-corporatist economy proposed in this manifesto. It operates in the same capacity as the Federal Reserve Bank of Africa, the corporate money-stocking and multinational finance investment for the State economy, and the corporate money-stocking provider of national insurance provision for citizenry foreign endeavours.
We tasked this Ministry with the responsibility to provide a financial security structure for the African economy; one that bridges the global monetary economy with the HomeLand non-monetary economy. It put an end to the awkward and fluctuating mechanism of the monetary economy, causing avoidable stress and a life of unbearable uncertainty to human mental health. We, therefore, set the Ministry to be the financial institution and provider of financial services for the Ministry of International Affairs and Trade, including credit security mechanisms for the African economy. We set it to be the sole underwriter of commercial and industrial insurance for the African trade-economy in the global economy.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- Responsible for financing citizens on their foreign endeavours abroad, such as for education or training, tourism or visitation to friends or family, and more.
- It is the governmental department which directs the monetary value of the African economy and access to foreign exchange.
- Proposed to operate offshore companies, trusts and foundations, offshore Banks and financial services regulated under International Banking Licence, as financial service centres to provide financial security to the population of African international students abroad, perpetual travellers, holiday-makers, permanent tourists abroad, and the like.
- Responsible for protecting African interests, its economy, and monetary security against global, political, or financial instability.
- The Ministry is the governmental department that bridges the African economy with the global economy and allows the African trade-economy to engage competitively in the proposed global exchange economy, source international investments, create growth in African stock economies back home, encourage international investment opportunities in African stock-trading economy, and help redistribute the interplay of money between African State and foreign States and other non-State actors operating in the global economy.
- To institute and promote online banking as a practical system for clients to access information and operate their accounts remotely from anywhere in the world.
- Responsible for maintaining strong economic relationships with foreign States, and non-State actors, and in transactions with standard banks and onshore operating companies globally.
- To provide multinational finance services by which individuals, businesses and State actors can access appropriate, affordable, and timely financial products and services. These include banking, loan, equity, and insurance products.
- Access to an average cost for all eligible groups in Africa to a full range of financial services provisions to cover the costs of their foreign trips, including savings or deposit services for Africans resident abroad, payment and transfer services, credit and insurance.
- Responsible for promoting safe financial services and institutions governed by transparent citizenry-prescribed regulations and industry performance standards.
- To ensure financial and African State’s economic sustainability, ensure its efficiency, to deliver and promote the certainty of investments to it.
- To engage actively in competitions in the proposed global exchange-economy in ensuring choice and affordability for clients, both Africans abroad and foreign customers.
- Responsible for making significant investments in foreign countries that benefit and sustain the African economy.
- Coordinate the selling of licenses in foreign markets, and the Ministry of International Affairs and Trade will monitor its worldwide activities, and be supervised by the office of the Secretary-of-State.
- Engaging in contract-manufacturing – permitting a local manufacturer in a foreign country to produce African products.
- Opening manufacturing facilities or assembly operations in foreign countries.
The overall ethos of this Ministry is the financial inclusion of African citizens to have the same level of availability to money and equality of opportunities to access financial means to travel and sustain oneself abroad, like any other person from a monetary economy.
This secretariat Ministry is unique; one that is a formalised product of ethno-corporatism and had existed nowhere as a governmental department in any State government in human society until now. The department of national-insurance of this Ministry is a financial inclusion provisions effort for Africans who lived and work in Africa to have access to money for their personal foreign travel endeavours.
The national insurance provision we understood would go beyond merely being provided with money to afford foreign travel for any purpose or personal vacation abroad, the global monetary economy and African State’s desire to maintain monetary economic relations with our global trading partners would influence the department of multinational finance in its activities, whilst maintaining non-monetary economy nationally within Africa.
I should emphasise that this Ministry is the consequence of the proposal that ethno-corporatist economy will bound to culturalised some Africans as perpetual travellers abroad – a consequence of what I identified as the new corporatist nomadism for Africans – where ethno-corporatism would maintain Africa as a country that does not operate a monetary economy of goods and services nationally for citizens, residents and visitors alike; does not tax money earned outside Africa by citizens or residents, and does not control actions where Africans bank their foreign monies and foreign assets whilst abroad – but this Ministry offshore financial service centres will provide that banking security for Africans and to benefit other foreign clients with little or no limits on depositor compensation schemes, and will make up a sizeable portion of African State’s international financial system; where Africa remain the legal residents for Africans but one can operate businesses in other countries out of choice and their healthy-individualism; but countries outside Africa would be where Africans spends money, ideally in countries where African State have strong established trade-economic link.
This Ministry is not merely about government banking of foreign currencies in maintaining our economic relations in foreign trade, but we also tasked it to establish multinational finance with other nations in economic relations with Africa of worldwide proportions: to be a major actor in the proposed corporatist global empire where, truly, foreign nations in a commonwealth with Africa would benefit in the proposed Africa economic resource within the boundary of the proposed stock-interchange trading.
- TRANSPORT AND INNOVATION
The proposed Ministry of Transport and Innovation is futuristic. We tasked it with the responsibility to automate the operation of transport through prioritizing development projects and operational activities of self-service automated driverless vehicles according to the ideal of African ethno-corporatism, providing support to the country economy, improving project monitoring and implementation, innovating and improving the quality of the mode of transportation in Africa.
The operations of fuel-using vehicles on our public roads produce nitrogen-dioxide dirty air pollution to the environment; linked to pollutants from vehicle exhausts, causing adverse effects on every organ in the human body associated with ill-health in every living subject, and a major source of global warming emissions and climate change, is extremely an extinct contributing factor to our human existence on earth, and one reason we must rid of all fuel-using motor vehicles on all public roads as we have them today in Africa.
As a result, and under the ideal condition of the proposed Ministry of Transport and Innovation in African ethno-corporatist society, it inspired me to develop a prototype of an autonomous driverless vehicle for a futuristic mode of transportation; I identified and called: Ropodium.
In contrast, modern vehicles where we have constrained ourselves and forced into a sitting position and strapped to a chair through every journey made is tortuous enough, is it not? The many manual types of equipment such as the steering wheel, the gear, the clutch and the whatnots that require precise details control to drive it from start to finish destination of each journey, is to a large extent a bore. It involves endless attention to the business to must learn every highway-codes, endless claims upon one’s precious time better spent just ‘being’ and not always ‘doing’, endless bother. If vehicles, as we have them today, can operate driverless without a glitch or computer malfunction that could cause a fatal accident, we could stand it at least; but their requirement to sit and manually control it is unbearable. In the particular interests of our precious care for the environment and clean air, we must rid of all such vehicles on our public roads in Africa.
I must stress strongly, fuel-using vehicles are a nuisance in our modern 21st-century generation, are they not? Not only have we come to terms with the possibilities of driverless vehicles, but there are electric vehicles on our roads that do not require fuel and have resolved nitrogen-dioxide dirty air issues from our atmosphere, thus inspiring my ethnosocialist view to push for fuel pollutants vehicles away from our public roads in Africa.
With Ropodium vehicles, I say, there would be no requirement for any individual in an ethnosocialist society to own one, like a badge of honour, not at all. Ropodiums will be on every public road and readily available to commit to the business of transporting one from A to B, without the bother to drive it manually.
Ropodium is an automated vehicle, built with futuristic artificial-intelligence software, on-call from a mobile phone-Apps or at any designated ropod-stop. I should make it known that ropodium is not a car, or a train even, and does not require fuel or gas. It is nothing close to what we know or has seen or experienced today, and its development is already in motion.
We broadly classify the functions of this Ministry into the following matters:
- To fulfil the ethno-corporatist ideal in the areas of transport – to modernize the transport infrastructure and enable ropodium self-service mode of transportation.
- To construct the proposed main highways of the HomeLand into the trans-African networks, with overground and underground railway transportation and ropodium monitoring networking.
- To enable ropodium autonomous vehicles in promoting mono-modal transport, logistics centres, and public settings.
- Coordinates activities in the areas of transport and planning of land, roads and ropodium construction, air and sea transport operations.
- Safety in transportation, accident investigation and ensuring smooth travel on national roads.
- Civil aviation, airports, aviation security, and air navigation.
- To implement government traffic safety policy for all modes of transport.
- To integrate remote areas of the country into the mainland transport networks.
- Shipping and marine navigation, construction and management of lighthouses, harbours and breakwaters.
- To promote the development of policy on the reduction of negative environmental effects of transport areas.
- Coordination of research policy concerning the positive effects of clean air and reduction in using fuels, gases and other pollutants in our environment.
We tasked the proposed secretariat department of transport and innovation to work closely under an Administrative Arrangement Order with the Ministry of Technology in researching road engineering, building and management; and expanding national road networks customised for ropodium automated vehicles.
The Govoxical Ethos Of African Ethnosocialist Society
The govoxical governing system in the proposed African ethnosocialist society I directed towards advancing citizenry interest above that of the government and bringing into practice commissioning governmental structure that revolves around an engaged and participatory citizenry-electorates. The interests of the individual and the collective populocratic ethos proposed in this manifesto I directed to effectuate the ethno-corporatist ideal of equalism and altruism in Africa so that the govoxical ethos of Citizenry-Arm of government controls every decision-making of the govoxical ethos of the other branches of government.
The theory of ethnosocialism, I say, has been the consequence of all hitherto theories of socialism that had failed to achieve the social and economic conditions of equalism we seek in Africa that breeds continuing turbulence of the breaking down of social values besides the general economic chaos protégism is currently operating in African society.
We are in a crisis in Africa. The crisis of corruption has deepened and merged our African cultural values, and a sense of morality, and permeates the culture of deception and anomie that makes activities such as embezzlement of public funds in government offices, cyber crimes for monetary gain, fraudulent misconduct, and misleading talk all for monetary gain the norm across the spectrum of our so-called democratic civil society. This makes it difficult for any theory of socialism that advocates any form of a monetary economy, in the current order of things, to achieve whatever it preaches.
I say, the operation and order of political-ethos of our protégé-society; the essential feature of its democratic political customs and civilisation; the protégé-generated agenda to keep the African economy dependent on western aid-fund and open credit facility money barely meets our basic economic necessities such as provision for food, water and hospitals; the structural change and economic crisis with inclination to commit kindred related improprieties to meet our necessities such as for food and shelter in Africa.
The global reputation of our African governments as corrupt-minded, authoritarians, parties of gross inefficiencies, trigger-happy warmongers, and that to work in government means one’s position to appropriate public funds as one personal bank accounts it institutes in our mental images as the norm of our African culture in human society, has been to a large extent deepened the radical revolutionary thinking expressed in this manifesto.
Wherefore, the proposed operation and order of the govoxical ethos of ethnosocialist society has abandoned the socio-economic culture of protégism and democracy. As a result, the value matrices of the modern global corporatist societies based upon collective-individualism and equalism of citizenry of the present world, now require African citizenry and African governments, to stir up our readiness for govoxical commitment to abandoning the protégé tattered relations, follow through with our collective resources and corporative initiatives to rebuilding the global reputation of our African government and resolve the propensity to cyber crimes and other related kindred improprieties perpetrated by its citizens for their economic survival, working together with global State actors to securing the common-good and becoming a desirable actor in the global matrices that provides opportunities rather than burdens society.
The proposed offshoot of African ethnosocialism arose in the heat of the ethno-corporatism revolution of African society to abandon protégism and forge economic self-sufficiency subsistence for Africans. The theory of ethnosocialism that develops from this manifesto is here to address the question of how an ethnosocialist society should achieve what it preaches for Africans and in Africa.
The theory of ethno-corporatism had raised the web-internetisation platform of the computer-technology industry as its necessary instrument under a populocracy form of governance to achieve economic-equalism and a humanitarian form of altruism for our African society, and that total socialisation of the economy that combines State-ownership of the means of production and citizenry control of the modes of production with centralised Planned-economy that relies upon the engaged and participatory African citizenry-electorates.
The ethno-corporatist system of Planned-economy, combined with its nationalism-system of State and associated with a moneyless form of economic resource accounting at the national level or non-monetary economy of goods and services of an ethnosocialist system, has as a matter of course advanced the concept of ‘public affairs’ or ‘public matters’ in which the govoxical form of government I pushed for its consideration as a ‘citizenry matter’ or ‘citizenry affairs’ to a whole new theory of publicanism hitherto existed until now.
In the proposed govoxical Constitution, the definition of a ‘Public State’ must refer specifically to a government in which the citizenry-electorates shared the control of the government with those elected to government to represent the citizenry-society or State body, and both exercise power according to the rule-of-law under govoxical Constitution, including the control of state powers with the elected acting StateLords; must refer to what I identified and called: ETHNOPUBLIC STATE.
The term “Ethnopublic” is here used to denote a populocratic category of the proposed philosophy of African ethnosocialism. The English word “Ethno” is a word-forming element that originally derived from the Greek word ‘Ethnos’ meaning ‘Community of people’ or ‘Nation’; and the English word “Public” originates from the Latin word ‘Poblicus’ meaning ‘Of the people’; both combined make the English word: Ethnopublic, to meaning ‘communities of people or nation relatively governed based on the common-unity of the people’.
I, therefore, refer Ethnopublican State as a constitutional ethnosocialist society, or representative populocracy founded on the principle of the common-unity of the citizenry and elected government officials, with both having shared control of the day-to-day administration of government and decision-making through citizenry elective-process.
The word ‘Ethnopublic’ which means “Community of the people,” I defined as ‘Community of government of the people’, I proposed to be used to refer to the Ethnopublican Homeland of Africa, or HomeLand of Ethnopublican States of Africa, or the Ethnopublic States of Africa.
Diagram-6
As the illustrated diagram shows, the proposed Ethnopublic States of Africa is a single sovereign State of one government; comprise of one Supervisory party (the StateLords) and a triple Administrative party (the Secretariats, Economists and Citizenry-Committee). The term “ethnopublic” I advanced to mean a system of government that relies upon its participatory citizenry (the electorates) to make decisions on every administrative affair of the State, and do not require the State officials elected to the government to make State-centred decisions.
The theory of the African ethnosocialist State is a State-directed economy where the State owns the means of production and the means of the execution of public duties is directed to be the incumbency office of the Secretariat government departments through the proposed 15-Ministries.
While the economist governmental departments are responsible for the rules and regulations derived from citizenry prescribed-guidelines that govern all state-owned and citizenry-owned industries, they are also appointed government officials responsible for the management of the working-group across industries, as well as responsible for the daily production and output requirements and directs the secretariats government departments through indicative economic-planning mechanisms; and the citizenry governmental departments directs the secretariats through dirigisme mechanism and the proposed daily voters’ selection of policy by the citizenry-electorates in direct-control of the African ethno-corporatist trade-economy.
The proposed ethno-corporatist Planned-economy allows the proposed government-centred Commicratic-Departments to be responsible for planning long-term strategic investments and total control of production across boards to plan for the Economy-branch of government. Since resource output determines the economic provision for citizenry-consumers, the proposed State-directed economy will strive towards attaining total control of the national economy to achieve economic self-sufficiency subsistence in Africa and for Africans.
END
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COLONIAL
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MONEY-SYSTEM
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- John Maynard Keynes. A Tract on Monetary Reform 23 Jan. 2009, www.therichestmaninbabylon.org. ISBN-10: 1607960818
- Ralph G. Hawtrey. The Gold Standard in Theory and Practice. Praeger; New Ed edition (January 31, 1980), ISBN-13: 978-0313221040
- Milton Friedman, Anna Jacobson Schwartz. A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960 (National Bureau of Economic Research Publications). Princeton University Press; New Ed edition (21 Nov. 1971), ISBN-10: 0691003548.
- Adam Smith. The Invisible Hand.(1776) Penguin; UK ed. Edition (7 August 2008), ISBN-10: 0141036818.
- David Glasner. Free Banking and Monetary Reform. Cambridge University Press (25 Aug. 1989), ISBN-10: 0521361753.
WESTERN ECONOMIC SYSTEM:
- The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, February 13, 2014: Corporatism.
- The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica. 2006: Economic system: Market systems.
- Drucker, Peter F. (1993). Post-Capitalist Society. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/ book/9780750609210). (Harper Information) ISBN 978-0-7506-0921-0.
- Mason, Paul (2015). Post-Capitalism: A Guide to our Future. (Allen Lane) ISBN 9781846147388.
- Srnicek, Nick; Williams, Alex. Inventing the Future: Post-capitalism and a World Without Work. Verso Books. pp. 103–104. ISBN 9781784780968
- Hahnel, Robert (2012). Of the People, By the People: The Case for a Participatory Economy. AK Press Distribution. ISBN 978-0983059769.
- Wright, Tony (1986) Socialisms: theories and practices. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780192191885.
- Warda, Howard J.(1997).Corporatism and Comparative Politics: the other great “ism”. Armonk, NY: M.E.Sharpe. ISBN 978-1563247163.
- Zimbalist, Sherman and Brown, Andrew, Howard J. and Stuart (October 1988). Comparing Economic Systems: A Political-Economic Approach. (Harcourt College Pub). ISBN 978-0-15-512403-5.
- Rosser, Mariana V.; Rosser, J Barkley (23 July 2003). Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy. MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-18234-8.
- Gilpin, Robert (5 June 2018). The Challenge of Global Capitalism: The World Economy in the 21st Century. ISBN 9780691186474. OCLC 1076397003.
- Heilbroner, Robert L. “Capitalism”. Steven N. Durlauf and Lawrence E. Blume, eds. The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics. 2nd edi. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008) doi:10.1057/9780230226203.0198
- Louis Hyman and Edward E. Baptist (2014). American Capitalism: A Reader. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1-4767-8431-1.
- Mandel, Ernst (2002). An Introduction to Marxist Economic Theory. Resistance Books. ISBN 978-1-876646-30-1.
- Koehler, Benedikt. Early Islam and the Birth of Capitalism, (Lexington Books, 2014).
- David Onnekink; Gijs Rommelse (2011). Ideology and Foreign Policy in Early Modern Europe (1650–1750). Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 9781409419143.
- Om Prakash, “Empire, Mughal“, History of World Trade Since 1450, edited by John J. McCusker, vol. 1, Macmillan Reference USA, 2006, pp. 237–240, World History in Context.
- Indrajit Ray (2011). Bengal Industries and the British Industrial Revolution (1757-1857). Routledge. pp. 57, 90, 174. ISBN 978-1-136-82552-1.
- James Fulcher, Capitalism A Very Short Introduction, Oxford, 2004, ISBN 978-0-19-280218-7.
- Reisman, George (1998). Capitalism: A complete understanding of the nature and value of human economic life. Jameson Books. ISBN 0-915463-73-3.
- Hunt, E.K.; Lautzenheiser, Mark (2014). History of Economic Thought: A Critical Perspective. PHI Learning. ISBN 978-0765625991.
- James Fulcher, Capitalism A Very Short Introduction, Oxford, 2004, ISBN 978-0-19-280218-7.
- Staff, Investopedia (24 November 2003). “Monopoly”. Investopedia.
- Angus Maddison (2001). The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective. Paris: OECD. ISBN 978-92-64-18998-0.
- Varian, Hal R. (1992). Microeconomic Analysis (Third ed.). New York: Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-95735-8.
- Jain, T.R. (2006). Microeconomics and Basic Mathematics. New Delhi: VK Publications. ISBN 978-81-87140-89-4.
- John Locke (1691) Some Considerations on the consequences of the Lowering of Interest and the Raising of the Value of Money.
- A.D. Brownlie and M.F. Lloyd Prichard, 1963. “Professor Fleeming Jenkin, 1833–1885. Pioneer in Engineering and Political Economy, Oxford Economic Papers.
- Adrian Karatnycky. Freedom in the World: The Annual Survey of Political Rights and Civil Liberties. Transaction Publishers. 2001. ISBN 978-0-7658-0101-2.
- Foster, John Bellamy; Financialization, Robert W. McChesney Topics; Crisis, Global Economic; Economy, Political (1 October 2009). “Monopoly-Finance Capital and the Paradox of Accumulation”. Monthly Review.
- Frederic Jameson, ‘Culture and Finance Capital’, in The Jameson Reader (2005) p. 257
- Richard D. Wolff (27 June 2015). Socialism Means Abolishing the Distinction Between Bosses and Employees. Truthout.
- Raya Dunayevskaya (1941) The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is a Capitalist Society.
- O’Reilly, Jim (21 August 2016). Capitalism as Oligarchy: 5,000 Years of Diversion and Suppression (1 ed.). ISBN 978-0692514269.
- Muller, Jerry Z. (March–April 2013). “Capitalism and Inequality: What the Right and the Left Get Wrong”. Foreign Affairs (Essay). Vol. 92 no. 2. Council of Foreign Relations. ISSN 0015-7120.
- Edward E. Baptist. The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery And The Making Of American Capitalism. Wayback Machine. Basic Books, September 2014. ISBN 0-465-00296-X.
- Beckert, Sven; Rockman, Seth, eds. (2016). Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 9780812224177.
- Wallerstein, Immanuel (1983). Historical Capitalism. Verso Books. p. 78. ISBN 978-0-86091-761-8.
- McMurty, John (1999). The Cancer Stage of Capitalism. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-1347-4.
- Dawson, Ashley (2016). Extinction: A Radical History. OR Books. p. 41. ISBN 978-1-944869-01-4.
- David M Kotz, The Rise and Fall of Neoliberal Capitalism (Harvard University Press, 2015), ISBN 0-674-72565-4.
- Goldfarb, Zachary A.; Boorstein, Michelle (26 November 2013). “Pope Francis denounces ‘trickle-down’ economic theories in sharp criticism of inequality”. Business. The Washington Post.
- Pope Emeritus Benedict XVI (29 June 2009). “Encyclical Letter Caritas in veritate of the Supreme Pontiff Benedict XVI to the Bishops, Priests, and Deacons; Men and Women; Religious, the Lay, Faithful; and All Good People of Good Will on Integral Human Development in Charity and Truth” (Encyclical). St. Peter’s Basilica, Rome: Vatican Publishing House.
- David Harvey. The Limits to Capital. Verso, 17 January 2007. ISBN 1-84467-095-3.
WESTERN SOCIALISM:
- Busky, Donald F. (2000). Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey. Praeger. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-275-96886-1
- Rosser, Mariana V. and J Barkley Jr. (23 July 2003). Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy. MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-18234-8.
- Zimbalist, Sherman and Brown, Andrew, Howard J. and Stuart (1988). Comparing Economic Systems: A Political-Economic Approach. Harcourt College Pub. ISBN 978-0-15-512403-5.
- Brus, Wlodzimierz (2015). The Economics and Politics of Socialism. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-86647-7.
- Michie, Jonathan (2001). Readers Guide to the Social Sciences. Routledge. p. 1516. ISBN 978-1-57958-091-9.
- Arnold, Scott (1994). The Philosophy and Economics of Market Socialism: A Critical Study. Oxford University Press. pp. 7–8. ISBN 978-0195088274.
- Hastings, Mason and Pyper, Adrian, Alistair and Hugh (21 December 2000). The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0198600244.
- Kolb, Robert (19 October 2007). Encyclopedia of Business Ethics and Society, First Edition. SAGE Publications, Inc. ISBN 978-1412916523.
- Schweickart, David; Lawler, James; Ticktin, Hillel; Ollman, Bertell (1998). Market Socialism: The Debate Among Socialists. “The Difference Between Marxism and Market Socialism“. Routledge. pp. 61–63
- Bockman, Johanna (2011). Markets in the name of Socialism: The Left-Wing origins of Neoliberalism. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-7566-3.
- McNally, David (1993). Against the Market: Political Economy, Market Socialism and the Marxist Critique. Verso. ISBN 978-0-8609-1606-2.
- Newman, Michael. (2005) Socialism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-280431-6
- Draper, Hal (1990). Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, Volume IV: Critique of Other Socialisms. New York: Monthly Review Press. pp. 1–21. ISBN 978-0-85345-798-5.
- George Thomas Kurian, ed. (2011). “Withering Away of the State”. The Encyclopedia of Political Science. CQ Press. ISBN 978-1-933116-44-0.
- Ellman, Michael (2007). “The Rise and Fall of Socialist Planning“. In Estrin, Saul; Kołodko, Grzegorz W.; Uvalić, Milica (eds.). Transition and Beyond: Essays in Honour of Mario Nuti. New York City: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 22. ISBN 978-0-230-54697-4.
- Wilczynski, J. (2008). The Economics of Socialism after World War Two: 1945-1990. Aldine Transaction. ISBN 978-0202362281.
- Hudis, Peter; Vidal, Matt, Smith, Tony; Rotta, Tomás; Prew, Paul, eds. (September 2018–June 2019). The Oxford Handbook of Karl Marx. “Marx’s Concept of Socialism”. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0190695545.
- Steele, David Ramsay (September 1999). From Marx to Mises: Post Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation. Open Court. ISBN 978-0875484495.
- Rosser, Mariana V. and J Barkley Jr. (23 July 2003). Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy. MIT Press. ISBN 978-0262182348.
- Williams, Raymond (1983). “Socialism”. Keywords: A vocabulary of culture and society, revised edition. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-520469-8.
- Rupert, Mark (2006). Globalization and International Political Economy. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 0-7425-2943-6.
- T. J. Byres, Harbans Mukhia (1985). Feudalism and non-European societies. Psychology Press. p. 207. ISBN 0-7146-3245-7.
- Prychito, David L. (2002). Markets, Planning, and Democracy: Essays After the Collapse of Communism. Edward Elgar Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84064-519-4.
- O’Hara, Phillip (2000). Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-24187-8.
- Pierson, Christopher (1995). Socialism After Communism: The New Market Socialism. Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 978-0-271-01478-4.
- Gasper, Phillip (October 2005). The Communist Manifesto: A Road Map to History’s Most Important Political Document. Haymarket Books. p. 24. ISBN 978-1-931859-25-7.
- Pepper, David (26 September 2002). Eco Socialism. ISBN 9780203423363.
- Commoner, Barry (12 February 2020). The closing circle: nature, man, and technology. ISBN 978-0-486-84624-8.
- Kovel, Joel. (2013). The Enemy of Nature : the End of Capitalism or the End of the World?. Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-84813-659-5.
APPRENTICESHIP
- Davy, N., Frakenberg, A. (2019). Typology of Apprenticeships in Higher Vocational Education.
- “Apprenticeship indenture”. Cambridge University Library Archives (Luard 179/9). March 18, 1642.
- “Apprenticeship indentures 1604–1697“. Cambridge St Edward Parish Church archives (KP28/14/2).
- Adrian Room, ‘Cash, John (1822–1880)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004.
- Folz, Sebastian. “Plantation Owners and Apprenticeship: The Dawn of Emancipation”. Emancipation: The Caribbean Experience. University of Miami.
- Smith, Adam (1776). Wealth of Nations: An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of The Wealth of Nations. London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell. ISBN 9781607781738.